The Contrastive Hierarchy in Phonology

Half-title......Page 3
Series-title......Page 4
Title......Page 7
Copyright......Page 8
Contents......Page 9
Acknowledgements......Page 13
1.1 Approaches to contrast......Page 15
1.2 Two poles: contrast (negative) versus substance (positive)......Page 19
1.3 Plan of the book......Page 22
2.1 Contrastive specification: an elusive problem......Page 25
2.2 Contrastive specification by pairwise comparisons......Page 27
2.3 Contrastive specification by feature ordering......Page 28
2.4 Contrastive specification as a logical problem......Page 31
2.5.1 Distinctness......Page 33
2.5.2 The problem of too many features......Page 36
2.5.3 Minimal pairs and feature space......Page 38
2.5.4 The problem of too few minimal pairs......Page 39
2.5.5 Extending the Pairwise Algorithm......Page 42
2.6 Feature ordering......Page 43
2.7.1 Contrast limited by position......Page 45
2.7.2 Types of features: equipollent and privative......Page 46
2.7.3 Contrast and underspecification......Page 48
2.8 Conclusions: one approach to contrast left standing......Page 49
3.1 Introduction......Page 51
3.2 Sapir: phonetics versus phonological patterning......Page 52
3.3.1 Phonologically relevant features and phonemic content......Page 56
3.3.2 Some examples that imply the pairwise method......Page 60
3.3.3 Examples of hierarchy in Trubetzkoy......Page 62
3.3.3.1 Consonant systems: place versus manner and voicing......Page 63
3.3.3.2 Vowel systems......Page 66
3.3.4 Summary......Page 72
3.4 Martinet: French contrasts based on place......Page 73
3.5 Jakobson and Lotz (1949): French contrasts based on continuousness......Page 75
3.6 Hockett: French contrasts and the 'odor of pure game-playing'......Page 79
3.6.1 Hockett's approach in principle......Page 80
3.6.2 Hockett's approach in practice......Page 82
3.7 Prolegomenon to a theory of contrastive specification......Page 85
4.1 Introduction: Jakobson and his collaborators......Page 90
4.2 The dichotomous scale......Page 91
4.3 The dichotomous scale as an acquisition sequence......Page 92
4.4 Feature ordering and efficient coding......Page 95
4.5.1 Jakobson (1949): Serbo-Croatian......Page 96
4.5.2 Halle (1954): Standard Literary German......Page 101
4.6 Ordered rules and the contrastive hierarchy......Page 103
4.7 Summary: the contrastive hierarchy on the edge......Page 109
4.8.1 Zeros and ternary power......Page 110
4.8.2 Arguments against 'branching diagrams'......Page 113
4.8.3 Summary: 'there is obviously some kind of hierarchical relationship'......Page 115
5.1 Chomsky and Halle's revolution in phonology......Page 117
5.2.1 Chapter 9 of SPE......Page 118
5.2.2 SPE marking conventions and feature hierarchy......Page 120
5.2.3 Kean's (1980) revision of the marking conventions......Page 124
5.2.4 Markedness and feature hierarchy......Page 126
5.2.5 Linking to the phonology......Page 128
5.3.1 Lexical Phonology and Structure Preservation......Page 131
5.3.2.1 Radical Underspecification and the Contrastivist Hypothesis......Page 135
5.3.2.2 The Redundancy-Rule Ordering Constraint......Page 139
5.3.3 Contrastive Specification......Page 140
5.3.3.1 Contrastive Specification and the contrastive hierarchy......Page 141
5.3.3.2 Pairwise Algorithm for Contrastive Specification......Page 142
5.3.4 Backlash against theories of underspecification......Page 143
5.4.1 Feature geometry......Page 144
5.4.2 Terminal features and the contrastive hierarchy......Page 147
5.4.3 Class nodes and the contrastive hierarchy......Page 148
5.5 Conclusions......Page 150
6.2 Optimality Theory......Page 152
6.3.1 Licensing and underspecification (Ito, Mester and Padgett 1995)......Page 154
6.3.2 Contrast as emergent......Page 156
6.4.1 Outputs......Page 158
6.4.2 Inputs......Page 159
6.4.3 An OT version of the Successive Division Algorithm......Page 160
6.5 Constraint hierarchies not corresponding to a contrastive hierarchy......Page 163
6.6 Inputs containing illicit feature combinations......Page 167
6.7 Underspecified inputs......Page 171
6.8 Summary......Page 175
7.1 Introduction......Page 176
7.2 Modified Contrastive Specification......Page 177
7.2.1 Contrast and markedness......Page 178
7.2.2 Variation in the feature hierarchy......Page 181
7.2.3.1 Phonetic enhancement......Page 182
7.3 Ubiquitous feature hierarchies......Page 183
7.3.1 Feature hierarchies in phonological theory......Page 184
7.3.2 Implicit feature hierarchies in practice......Page 185
7.3.3 Feature scope ambiguities......Page 187
7.3.4 Feature hierarchies and phonological patterning......Page 188
7.4 Vowel harmony......Page 189
7.4.1 Classical Manchu (Zhang 1996)......Page 190
7.4.1.1 ATR harmony......Page 191
7.4.1.2 Labial harmony......Page 193
7.4.2 Evolution of Spoken Manchu and Xibe......Page 194
7.4.3 Typological surveys of labial harmony......Page 196
7.4.4.1 The Nez Perce vowel system......Page 198
7.4.4.2 The analysis of Bakovic (2000)......Page 201
7.5 Metaphony and contrast limited by domain......Page 204
7.5.1 Metaphony in Iberian and Italian Romance......Page 205
7.5.1.1 Dyck’s Generalization......Page 206
7.5.1.3 Phonetics of desinential vowels......Page 207
7.5.2 Metaphony in Campidanian Sardinian......Page 208
7.6 Consonant co-occurrence restrictions......Page 210
7.7 Loanword adaptation as evidence of phonological organization......Page 212
7.7.2 Loanword adaptation in Polynesian languages (Herd 2005)......Page 213
7.7.2.2 NZ Maori......Page 214
7.7.2.3 Contrastive specifications of Hawaiian and NZ Maori consonants......Page 215
7.8 The acquisition of distinctive features and contrasts......Page 216
7.9.1 Is the Contrastivist Hypothesis too weak?......Page 220
7.9.2 Is the Contrastivist Hypothesis too strong?......Page 221
7.9.3 'Prophylactic' features (D. C. Hall 2007)......Page 222
7.10 Summary......Page 224
8.1 Introduction......Page 225
8.2 A perceptual-functional account of labial......Page 226
8.3.1 Liljencrants and Lindblom's dispersion model......Page 228
8.3.2.1 The velars and /i/ in Russian......Page 229
8.3.2.2 Diachronic changes......Page 231
8.3.2.3 The dispersion-theoretic analysis of Padgett (2003a)......Page 232
8.3.3 A Modified Contrastive Specification analysis of post-velar fronting......Page 234
8.3.4.1 Richness of the base......Page 237
8.3.4.2 ‘Extreme idealization’......Page 239
8.3.4.3 Minimal pairs......Page 240
8.3.4.4 Why are velars treated separately?......Page 241
8.4 Structured Specification theory and contrast via natural classes......Page 242
8.4.1 Vowel harmony......Page 245
8.4.2 Consonant co-occurrence......Page 246
8.4.3 Loanword adaptation......Page 247
8.4.4 Summary......Page 248
8.5 Clements's approach to contrastive specification......Page 249
8.6 Calabrese (2005): Visibility Theory......Page 251
8.6.1 Calabrese: markedness filters......Page 252
8.6.2 Calabrese's approach to contrast......Page 254
8.6.3 Systematic and accidental gaps......Page 258
8.7 'Minimal contrast'......Page 259
Conclusion......Page 264
References......Page 266
Index of names......Page 282
Subject index......Page 286