The Cambridge Handbook of Phonology

Cover......Page 1
Half-title......Page 3
Title......Page 5
Copyright......Page 6
Contents......Page 7
Contributors......Page 9
Acknowledgements......Page 11
1 Aims......Page 13
4 Structure and content......Page 14
1.1.1 Structure......Page 17
1.1.2 Summary of themes......Page 20
OT Architecture......Page 21
Tableaux......Page 23
Core principles......Page 24
1.2.1 Derivation and faithfulness......Page 25
Parallelism......Page 26
Global conditions......Page 27
Faithfulness......Page 29
Interactions of markedness and faithfulness......Page 30
1.2.3 The lexicon......Page 32
1.2.4 OT theories and other theories......Page 33
Markedness and representation......Page 34
Representation in current theory......Page 36
1.4 Functionalism......Page 37
1.4.1 The Formalist approach......Page 38
1.4.2 Challenges......Page 39
Notes......Page 41
Part I Conceptual issues......Page 43
2.1 The Theory is also an object of analysis......Page 45
2.1.1 Optimality Theory as it is......Page 46
2.1.2 Using the Evaluation Metric......Page 49
2.2 What is real and what is not......Page 52
2.3.1 Harmonic Ascent......Page 56
2.3.2 The Barrier Models......Page 60
2.4 Description and descriptivism......Page 64
2.5 Conclusion......Page 67
Notes......Page 69
3.1 Introduction......Page 73
3.2 The groundwork for phonetically-driven phonology......Page 74
3.3.1 Universal perceptibility hierarchies in phonetically-driven OT: the case of laryngeal neutralization......Page 75
3.3.2 Language specificity in phonetic conditioning factors: the case of syllable weight......Page 78
3.3.3.1 Simplicity in syllable weight......Page 79
3.3.3.1 Simplicity in obstruent voicing patterns......Page 80
3.3.4 Continuous phonetic variables and constraint formulation: the case of contour tones......Page 81
3.4.1 Speech processing and phonology......Page 84
3.4.2 Frequency in phonology......Page 85
3.5 The synchronic vs. diachronic role of phonetics in phonology......Page 86
Note......Page 89
4.2 Defining markedness......Page 91
4.4 Markedness and phonological features......Page 93
4.5.1 The emergence of the unmarked 1: neutralization......Page 94
4.5.2 The emergence of the unmarked 2: epenthesis......Page 95
4.5.4 The submergence of the unmarked 2: deletion and coalescence......Page 96
4.6 Complications......Page 97
4.6.1 Contrast: variation in the unmarked depending upon inventory......Page 98
4.6.2 The absence of contrast: variation in the emergence of the unmarked......Page 100
4.6.3 Variation in markedness in the presence of similar contrasts......Page 102
4.6.4 How much variation is possible?......Page 104
4.7 Other markedness diagnostics: implication and frequency......Page 105
Notes......Page 108
5.2 Levels of representation......Page 111
5.3 Derivations......Page 114
5.4 Opacity......Page 119
5.5 Cyclicity......Page 126
5.6 Conclusion......Page 129
6.1 Introduction......Page 131
6.2.1 Are phonological representations categorical?......Page 132
6.2.2 Do phonological representations explain anything?......Page 134
6.3.1 Articulatory vs. auditory-acoustic features......Page 136
6.3.2 Valency......Page 138
6.3.3 Hierarchical organisation......Page 140
6.3.4 Partial specification......Page 142
6.4.1 Syllable structure and the skeletal tier......Page 143
6.4.2 Head-dependency relations in prosodic structure......Page 146
6.5 Conclusion......Page 148
Note......Page 149
7.1 Introduction: basic notions and outline......Page 151
7.2 Contrast beyond segments......Page 152
7.3 Laws constraining phonemic sets......Page 153
7.4.1 Early generative grammar......Page 154
7.4.2 Lexical Phonology and Structure Preservation......Page 155
7.4.3 Contrast and allophony in OT......Page 159
7.4.4 Richness of the Base and Lexicon Optimization......Page 163
7.5 Constraints on contrast......Page 164
7.6 Interactions between dimensions of contrast......Page 167
Notes......Page 168
Part II Prosody......Page 171
8.1 Introduction......Page 173
8.2 The syllable as the domain of segment sequencing......Page 174
8.3.1 Typology......Page 175
8.3.2 Formal account......Page 177
8.3.3 Syllable-related phonological processes......Page 181
8.4.1 Representing the nucleus......Page 183
8.4.2 Representing weight......Page 185
8.4.3 Concluding remarks on subsyllabic constituency......Page 187
8.5 Sonority......Page 189
8.5.1.1 Sonority thresholds on the syllable peak......Page 191
8.5.1.2 Sonority thresholds on the mora......Page 195
8.5.2 Constraints on sonority distance......Page 199
8.5.2.2 Sonority distance within a complex onset......Page 200
8.5.2.3 Sonority distance in syllable contact......Page 201
8.6 Closing remarks......Page 203
Notes......Page 204
9.1.1 What are stress languages?......Page 207
9.1.2.2 Demarcative stress......Page 208
9.1.2.3 Rhythm......Page 209
9.2 The formal representation of stress......Page 210
9.2.2 Metrical constituency......Page 211
9.2.3 An inventory of metrical feet......Page 212
9.2.3.1 Syllabic trochees......Page 213
9.2.3.2 Moraic trochees......Page 215
9.2.3.3 Iambs......Page 216
9.2.3.4 Alternative foot inventories......Page 217
9.3.1 Binary quantity-insensitive systems......Page 218
9.3.2 Mixed binary + unary systems......Page 220
9.3.3 Bidirectional systems......Page 222
9.3.4 Ternary systems......Page 224
9.3.5 Quantity-sensitive systems......Page 226
9.3.6 Unbounded systems......Page 227
9.3.7 Revising classical alignment theory......Page 230
9.4 Feet in phonological domains and prosodic morphology......Page 233
9.4.1 Feet as phonological domains......Page 234
9.4.2 Minimal words......Page 235
9.4.3 Morphological templates......Page 236
Note......Page 239
10.1 Introduction......Page 241
10.1.1 A descriptive summary......Page 242
10.1.1.1 Tonal inventories......Page 243
10.1.1.2 Tonal alternations......Page 244
10.2.1 Distinctive features of tone......Page 245
10.2.2 The autosegmental behavior of tone......Page 247
10.2.3 The formal representation of tonal alternations......Page 249
10.3.1 Mende tone association......Page 250
10.3.2 Tone–stress interaction......Page 254
10.3.3 Local tone changes and the OCP in Bantu languages......Page 258
10.4.2 Phonetics of tone......Page 262
Notes......Page 263
11.1 Introduction......Page 265
11.2 Basic structures......Page 266
11.3 Representations and phonetic implementation......Page 269
11.3.1 Tone-Bearing Units......Page 270
11.3.2 Interpolation......Page 272
11.4 Aspects of phonetic implementation......Page 275
11.4.2 Peak delay......Page 276
11.4.3 Dipping......Page 277
11.4.4 Declination......Page 278
11.5 Phonological timing relations: association and OT alignment......Page 279
11.5.1 Locating unassociated tones......Page 280
11.6 Arguments used in tonal analyses......Page 284
11.6.1 Phonetic considerations......Page 285
11.6.2 Distributional considerations......Page 288
11.6.3 Semantic criteria......Page 289
Notes......Page 291
12.1 Introduction......Page 293
12.2.1 Sensitivity through stringent constraint form......Page 295
Sonority......Page 296
Avoidance of stressed high vowels......Page 297
Emergent edge attraction......Page 298
Expressing universality......Page 299
Hierarchy through fixed ranking......Page 300
Typology......Page 302
Sonority, or something else?......Page 303
Prominence grids......Page 304
Moras and featurelessness......Page 305
12.3 Non-heads and other levels......Page 307
Interaction with metrical structure......Page 308
12.4 Tone......Page 309
12.5 Other prosodic levels......Page 311
12.6.1 Neutralization......Page 313
12.6.2 Deletion......Page 314
12.6.3 Metathesis and coalescence......Page 316
12.7 Conclusions......Page 317
Notes......Page 318
Part III Segmental phenomena......Page 321
13.1 Introduction......Page 323
13.2 Phonological features......Page 324
13.3.1 [consonantal] and [sonorant]......Page 326
13.4 Laryngeal features......Page 328
13.5 Manner features......Page 330
13.5.2 [nasal]......Page 331
13.5.3 [lateral]......Page 332
13.6 Place features......Page 333
13.6.1 Features relating to the lips......Page 334
13.6.2.1 coronal......Page 335
13.6.2.2 [anterior]......Page 336
13.6.2.3 [distributed]......Page 337
13.6.3.1 dorsal and [back]......Page 339
13.6.3.2 Tongue height features......Page 340
13.6.4 Features relating to the tongue root......Page 341
13.7 Complex vs. contour segments......Page 342
13.8 Feature value charts......Page 344
Notes......Page 345
14.1 Introduction......Page 347
14.2 Interaction with segmental markedness......Page 350
14.2.1 Blocking of assimilation......Page 352
14.2.2 Assimilation, respecting dependency......Page 353
14.2.4 Summary......Page 354
14.3 Heterogeneity of process......Page 355
14.3.1 Deletion as a backup to assimilation......Page 356
14.3.2 Epenthesis as a backup to assimilation......Page 357
14.3.3 Discussion......Page 358
14.4.2 Features and segments......Page 360
14.4.3 Directionality......Page 361
14.4.4 Alternatives to Agree(x)......Page 362
Notes......Page 363
15.1 Introduction......Page 365
15.2.1 What is ‘(canonical) harmony’?......Page 366
15.3 Harmonic features......Page 367
15.4 Conditions on harmonic elements......Page 368
Features as delimiters......Page 369
Positions as delimiters......Page 371
Features as delimiters......Page 372
15.4.3 Conditions on targets and triggers......Page 373
15.5.1 Phonological domain restrictions......Page 374
Morphologically-delimited triggers......Page 375
Morphologically-delimited trigger and target......Page 376
15.5.3 Summary......Page 377
15.6 Directionality......Page 378
15.7 Iteration......Page 379
15.8 Consecutive sequences of harmonic elements: locality issues......Page 380
15.8.1 Apparent transparency......Page 381
15.8.2 Transparency of impossible targets......Page 382
15.8.3 Irrelevant, or marginally interacting, transparency......Page 384
15.8.4 Transparent segments are fully compatible with the harmonic feature......Page 386
15.8.5 Local harmony but non-local target–trigger relations......Page 387
Notes......Page 388
16.1 Introduction......Page 391
16.2 Parameters of dissimilation......Page 392
16.3 Diachronic seeds of dissimilation: hypercorrection......Page 396
16.4.1 Tier phonology, the OCP, and feature specification......Page 400
16.4.2 Cumulative markedness in Optimality Theory......Page 403
16.5 Probabilistic approaches to dissimilation......Page 404
16.5.1 Probability in the lexicon......Page 405
16.5.2 Probabilistic dissimilation in the lexicon......Page 406
16.6 Conclusion and issues for further research......Page 408
Note......Page 410
Part IV Internal interfaces......Page 411
17.1 Introduction......Page 413
17.2.1 Resolving the variability problem......Page 414
17.2.1.2 Auditorism......Page 415
17.2.2 Articulatory or auditory targets?......Page 417
17.3.1 Introduction......Page 418
17.3.2.2 Oral vowels: the facts to be explained......Page 419
17.3.2.3 Peripheral vs. central vowels......Page 421
17.3.2.4 The explanation......Page 423
17.3.2.5 Nasal vowels......Page 428
17.3.2.6 Vowel reduction......Page 430
17.3.2.7 The phonological consequences of vowel reduction vs. nasalization......Page 434
17.3.3.2 The phonetics of Athabaskan tonogenesis......Page 435
17.3.3.3 Licensing by cue......Page 438
17.3.3.4 Evolutionary phonology......Page 439
17.4.2 The phonetics of place and markedness......Page 440
17.4.3 Categories and gradients......Page 442
17.5 Summary and concluding remarks......Page 443
Notes......Page 444
18.2 The prosodic representation......Page 447
18.3 Edge-alignment of XPs......Page 449
18.4 Wrapping of XPs......Page 450
18.5 Stress and focus......Page 454
18.6 Stress and XPs......Page 455
18.7 The distinction between lexical and functional projections......Page 460
18.8 Eurythmic effects on phrasing......Page 463
18.9 Intonation phrases......Page 466
Notes......Page 467
19.1 Introduction......Page 469
19.2.2 Cases......Page 470
19.2.3 Alternative approaches......Page 471
19.3.1 Variable-direction affixes......Page 472
19.3.2 Phonologically driven infixation......Page 473
19.3.3 Infixation to a prosodic category......Page 474
19.4 Phonology beats both alignment and morpheme contiguity......Page 475
Notes......Page 483
20.1 Introduction......Page 485
20.2.1 Overview......Page 486
20.2.2 Correspondence Theory......Page 487
20.2.3 Normal and over-/under-application......Page 488
20.2.4 Emergence of the unmarked......Page 490
20.2.5 Fixed segmentism......Page 491
20.2.6 Alternatives and extensions to Correspondence Theory......Page 493
20.3.1 Overview......Page 495
20.3.2 Prosodic templates......Page 496
20.3.3 Generalized templates......Page 497
20.4.1 Overview......Page 499
20.4.2 Adjacency......Page 500
20.4.3 Root preference......Page 502
Notes......Page 504
Part V External interfaces......Page 507
21.1 Introduction......Page 509
21.2 The implementation problem: how gradual is phonological change?......Page 510
21.3.1 Modular feedforward models: phonological rules vs. phonetic rules......Page 513
21.3.2 The life cycle of sound patterns, stabilization, and secondary split......Page 515
Phase IV......Page 516
21.3.3 The mechanism of classical lexical diffusion......Page 520
21.4.1 Exemplar clouds......Page 524
21.4.2 The problem of phonetic residue......Page 525
21.4.3 Dealing with frequency effects......Page 526
Notes......Page 528
22.1 Preliminaries......Page 531
22.2 What should a phonological theory of variation explain?......Page 532
22.3.1 Multiple Grammars......Page 533
22.3.2 Partially Ordered Grammars......Page 538
22.3.3 Stochastic Optimality Theory......Page 543
22.4 External factors......Page 546
Notes......Page 547
23.1 Introduction......Page 549
23.2 Child phonology research: production......Page 551
23.2.1 Acquiring phonological contrasts......Page 552
23.2.2 Processes in child phonology......Page 553
23.2.3 The acquisition of prosodic structure: syllable structure and stress......Page 556
23.3 Phonological acquisition in Optimality Theory......Page 559
23.4 Child speech perception and word recognition......Page 562
23.5 Phonological representations in the mental lexicon......Page 563
Notes......Page 565
24.1 Learnability in phonology......Page 567
24.2 Learning with soft constraints: Constraint Demotion......Page 569
24.3 Selecting competitors and the role of parsing......Page 572
24.4 Robustness to data errors......Page 575
24.5 The subset problem and phonotactic learning......Page 577
24.6 Structural ambiguity......Page 581
24.7 Learning underlying forms......Page 584
24.8 Discussion......Page 585
Notes......Page 586
25.1.1 Topics and definitions of phonological terms......Page 587
25.1.2 Definitions of non-phonological terms......Page 589
25.2.1 Syllable markedness in children with atypical phonological systems......Page 590
25.2.2 Segmental markedness in children\'s atypical phonological systems......Page 592
25.2.4 Phonological representation in children with atypical phonological systems......Page 596
25.2.5 Phonology–morphology interactions in children with atypical phonological systems......Page 597
25.3.1 Structural (and segmental) markedness and adult neurogenic disorders......Page 598
25.3.2 Segmental markedness and adult neurogenic disorders......Page 600
25.3.3 Phonological representation and adult neurogenic disorders......Page 601
25.3.4 Phonology–morphology interactions and adult neurogenic disorders......Page 602
25.4 Discussion and conclusion......Page 605
Conference proceedings and working papers......Page 607
Academic institution abbreviations......Page 608
Index of subjects......Page 701
Index of languages and language families......Page 707