The Syntax-Morphology Interface: A Study of Syncretism

Cover......Page 1
Half-title......Page 3
Series-title......Page 4
Title......Page 9
Copyright......Page 10
Dedication......Page 11
Contents......Page 13
Preface......Page 17
Abbreviations and symbols......Page 19
1 Introduction......Page 23
1.1 History of the notion......Page 25
1.2 Delimiting the notion of syncretism......Page 26
1.3.2 Selection of forms......Page 29
1.4 Accidental versus systematic homophony......Page 31
1.5.1 Supporting materials......Page 32
1.5.2 Glossing conventions......Page 33
1.5.3 Structure of the book......Page 34
2.1.1 Types......Page 35
2.2.1 Morphological classes......Page 39
2.2.2 Feature values......Page 41
Person......Page 42
Voice......Page 43
Negation......Page 44
2.3 Morphological characteristics......Page 45
2.4 A typology of interpretations......Page 49
2.4.1 Syncretism as neutralization......Page 50
2.4.2 Syncretism as uninflectedness......Page 52
2.4.3 Canonical syncretism......Page 55
2.5 Conclusion......Page 57
3 Cross-linguistic typology of features......Page 59
3.1.1 Introduction......Page 60
Type 1: syncretism of the core grammatical cases......Page 62
Type 2: syncretism of a core case with a non-core case......Page 71
Type 3: Peripheral case syncretism......Page 74
3.1.3 Conclusion......Page 78
3.2.1 Introduction......Page 79
3.2.2 Patterns of syncretism......Page 81
3.2.3 Directional effects......Page 85
First person / third person......Page 86
Second person / third person......Page 87
First person / second person......Page 90
3.2.4 Diachrony......Page 92
3.3.1 Introduction......Page 97
Subject person not marked......Page 98
Extension of subject markers......Page 100
3.3.3 Syncretism of object person......Page 101
3.3.4 Other patterns......Page 102
3.4.1 Introduction......Page 103
3.4.2 Gender and number......Page 104
3.4.2.1 Smaller systems......Page 105
3.4.2.2 Larger systems......Page 108
3.4.3 Syncretism restricted by target......Page 112
3.4.4 Summary......Page 113
3.5.1 Introduction......Page 114
3.5.2 Values......Page 115
3.5.3 Directionality......Page 116
3.6.1 Introduction......Page 117
3.6.2 Affix suppression......Page 118
3.6.3 Syncretic affixes......Page 122
3.6.4 Compound systems......Page 123
3.7.1 Introduction......Page 125
3.7.2 Morphological systematicity......Page 127
3.7.3 Semantic systematicity......Page 130
3.8.1 Introduction......Page 133
3.8.2 Syncretisms and their contexts......Page 134
3.8.3.1 Typologies of interaction......Page 135
3.8.3.2 Exploring interaction......Page 136
3.8.3.3 Constraints on nominal features......Page 140
3.8.4 Verbal feature interactions......Page 141
3.8.4.1 Verbal paradigms......Page 142
3.8.4.2 Exploring the verb data......Page 143
3.8.5.2 TAM and agreement on verbs......Page 145
3.9 Conclusion......Page 146
4.2.1 Natural classes......Page 148
4.2.2 Unnatural classes......Page 153
4.2.3 A note on polarity effects......Page 154
4.3 Symmetrical versus directional rules......Page 155
4.3.1 Convergent bidirectional syncretism......Page 158
4.3.2 Divergent bidirectional syncretism......Page 161
4.3.3 Symmetrical versus directional rules: a summary.......Page 166
4.3.4 Ranked constraints as an alternative to directional syncretism......Page 167
4.4.1 Variants on hierarchical structures......Page 172
4.4.2 Carstairs (1987), Carstairs-McCarthy (1998a, b)......Page 173
4.4.3 Impoverishment......Page 182
4.4.4 Stump (2001) and Zwicky (2000)......Page 185
4.5.1 Predictions and counter-examples......Page 188
4.5.2 Towards a model of syncretism......Page 191
5 Formal framework and case studies......Page 193
5.1 Network Morphology and syncretism......Page 194
5.1.1 Inferential-realizational theories and morphology......Page 197
5.1.2 Default inheritance......Page 199
5.1.3 Underspecification and semantic naturalness......Page 202
5.1.4 Systematicity in Network Morphology......Page 204
5.2 Case study 1: Dhaasanac......Page 205
5.3 Case study 2: The Dalabon verbal system......Page 208
5.3.1 The structure of the Dalabon intransitive paradigm......Page 209
5.3.2 The Dalabon transitive paradigm and the inadequacy of underspecification......Page 210
5.3.3 The Dalabon transitive paradigm: a generalized referral analysis......Page 216
5.3.4 The verbal hierarchy......Page 221
5.3.5 The shape of the verbal paradigm......Page 222
5.3.8 Dalabon: summing up......Page 225
5.4 Case study 3: The Russian nominal system......Page 226
5.4.1.2 Lexically determined syncretism......Page 228
5.4.1.3 Morphologically determined syncretism......Page 229
5.4.1.4 Candidates for syntactically determined syncretism......Page 235
5.4.2 Orthogonal specification of syncretism......Page 238
5.5 Conclusion......Page 239
6.1 Taking stock......Page 241
6.2 Results......Page 242
6.3 Consequences......Page 243
1.1 Languages with syncretism between core cases only......Page 245
1.2 Languages with syncretism involving core cases and peripheral cases......Page 246
1.4 Languages where inflectional case marking is not syncretic......Page 249
2.1 Languages with syncretism of subject person in verbs which mark a single argument......Page 250
2.2 Languages where subject person is marked inflectionally, but is not syncretic......Page 253
2.3 Languages with no inflectional marking of subject person......Page 254
3.1 Languages where a distinct pattern of subject-person syncretism is found in two-place verbs......Page 255
3.3 Languages with both subject and object person syncretism......Page 256
3.5 Languages with two-place verbs, where this is not associated with a distinct pattern of person syncretism......Page 257
The node FORMS:......Page 258
The node CORONALS:......Page 259
The nodes NON_CORONALS:......Page 260
Example verb lexical entries......Page 263
Appendix 5: DATR fragment for Dalabon case study......Page 264
Referrals......Page 265
Intransitive prefixes......Page 266
Object marking......Page 267
Final Part of Prefix......Page 268
The node MOR_NOMINAL......Page 270
The node N_O......Page 271
The node N_II......Page 272
The node MOR_ADJ:......Page 273
The nodes A_II and A_III:......Page 274
6.3 A note on Russian phonology......Page 275
References......Page 276
Author Index......Page 293
Language index......Page 297
Subject Index......Page 301