Reciprocals and Reflexives: Theoretical and Typological Explorations (Trends in Linguistics. Studies and Monographs, Vol. 192)

Frontmatter
......Page 2
Contents......Page 8
Acknowledgements
......Page 6
Abbreviations and glosses......Page 10
Reciprocity and reflexivity – description, typology and theory......Page 12
2. Reciprocity in biology, philosophy, the social sciences and linguistics......Page 11
4. Delimiting the domain of inquiry......Page 15
5. Questions addressed in this volume......Page 19
6.1. Towards a structural typology......Page 21
Diagram 5. Haspelmath’s (2007) structural typology of reciprocal strategies......Page 23
Diagram 6. Evans’ typology of reciprocal markers......Page 25
6.2. Valency-based typologies of reciprocals......Page 27
7.1. Reflexive-reciprocal polysemies......Page 29
7.2. Reciprocal and reflexive markers in German and other European
languages......Page 31
8. Reciprocity, argument structure and situation types......Page 33
9. Reflexivity, reciprocity and Binding Theory......Page 37
References......Page 39
Reciprocal constructions: Towards a structural typology
......Page 44
1. Introduction2......Page 43
2. Some preliminaries......Page 45
2.1.1. Semantic typology of reciprocal constructions......Page 49
2.1.2. Assumptions about the word-class (part-of-speech) representing the
mutual predicate......Page 51
2.1.3. Syntactico-logical position8 of NP representing reciprocants......Page 53
2.2. Reciprocal constructions: An overview......Page 55
3.1.1. Bipartite NPs......Page 57
3.1.2. Reciprocal nominals......Page 61
3.1.3. Reciprocal free pronouns......Page 67
3.1.4.1. Bound reciprocal pronominal affixes......Page 69
3.1.4.2. Reciprocal pronominal clitics......Page 73
3.1.6. Double role marking on NP......Page 75
3.2. Verb-marking (Predicate-marking) strategies......Page 77
3.2.1. Affixation and other morphological modification of the predicate......Page 79
3.2.2. Reciprocal-coding auxiliaries......Page 81
3.3. Conjunct strategy......Page 83
3.4. Modifier strategies......Page 87
4. Strategies involving more than one clause......Page 89
4.2. Zigzag summative constructions......Page 91
4.3. Fused multiple predicates......Page 93
4.3.3. Symmetric signing......Page 95
4.4. The fused contrastive subject construction......Page 97
5.1. Mapping the possibility space......Page 99
5.3. The issue of typological correlations......Page 101
5.4. Diachronic transitions and intermediate categories......Page 103
References......Page 105
1.1. Linguistic area......Page 115
1.3.1. Semantic domains and constructions......Page 117
Table 1. Constructions versus prototypical semantic notions in Kanak and Polynesian
languages......Page 119
1.3.2. Degree of grammaticalization......Page 121
2.1. Unmarked intransitive constructions denoting middle situations......Page 123
2.2.2. Non-restricted transitive verbs......Page 125
3.1.1. Middle situations without reciprocity......Page 127
3.2. Proto Oceanic prefix + pronominal object......Page 129
3.2.1.1. The object pronoun is a direct object......Page 131
3.2.2. Reciprocal and reflexive uses......Page 133
3.3.1. Intransitive construction......Page 135
3.3.2. The circumfix plus a pronominal object......Page 137
3.3.3. The Fagauvean case......Page 139
4.1. Emphatic, restrictive or contrastive particles......Page 141
4.2. The ‘true/exact’ strategy......Page 145
4.3. The ‘other’ strategy......Page 147
4.4. The ‘alone’ strategy......Page 149
4.5.2. Used for both reflexive and reciprocal situations......Page 153
4.5.4. Combined with the affixal strategy......Page 157
4.6. The ‘downwards’ directional strategy......Page 161
5. The quantificational strategy......Page 163
6.1. Summary of the various ways of expressing the middle voice and
reciprocity......Page 165
6.3. Diversity of the intensifier functions......Page 167
6.5. Dynamicity of the constructions......Page 169
7. Historical hypothesis......Page 171
8. Conclusions......Page 173
References......Page 175
The intersection between reflexives and reciprocals: A grammaticalization perspective
......Page 180
1. Introduction: reflexives and reciprocals......Page 179
Similarities between reflexives and reciprocals......Page 183
1.1. Sources of reflexives......Page 185
1.2. Sources of reciprocals......Page 187
COMRADE......Page 189
ONE-ANOTHER......Page 191
REPETITION......Page 193
REFLEXIVE......Page 195
1.3. Conclusions......Page 197
2.1. Properties......Page 199
2.2. A survey......Page 201
Polysemy......Page 205
Erosion......Page 207
Markedness......Page 209
Figure 2. The structure of ref-rec categories.......Page 211
Figure 3. An int-ref-rec chain.......Page 213
Figure 4. An extended grammaticalization chain of Ma’di r¯ u.......Page 215
2.6. On disambiguation......Page 217
2.7. Discussion......Page 219
(58) Types of knowledge determining contextual frames......Page 221
4. Conclusions......Page 225
References......Page 227
1. Introduction......Page 235
2.1. Definitions......Page 237
2.2. Unary reciprocal constructions......Page 239
2.4. Reciprocal/reflexive polysemy......Page 241
3.1. Reciprocity, reflexivity and unarity......Page 243
3.2. Compositional strategies of reciprocal encoding......Page 247
3.3. Multiple-participant reflexivity as an exploratory reciprocal-encoding
strategy......Page 251
3.4. Compositionally ineffable reciprocal meanings......Page 253
3.5. Summary......Page 257
4.1. An Optimality-Theoretic approach to reciprocal encoding......Page 259
4.2. Markedness vs. ambiguity avoidance......Page 261
4.3. The effects of the Obligatory Reflexive Marking constraint......Page 263
References......Page 265
Core reciprocal:......Page 269
1.3. Relevant linguistic features......Page 271
2.1. The reciprocal construction......Page 273
2.2. The reflexive construction......Page 275
2.3. Emphatic pronouns......Page 277
3.1. Inwardly directed events marked by reciprocal morphology......Page 279
4. Refining the definitions......Page 281
Participants act with respect to one another.......Page 283
Event is internally composed of multiple subevents.......Page 285
Activity carried out internally to the subject group, at least one member of which
is both Actor and Undergoer.......Page 287
(Elided) Effector is non-existent or irrelevant, focus on the impact onUndergoer.......Page 289
5. Distinguishing -rr from -e; revisited......Page 291
6. Conclusions......Page 295
References......Page 297
1. Introduction......Page 299
2. General remarks on the notion of “co-participation” and the
expression of reciprocity......Page 301
3.1. Causative -e......Page 305
3.3. Antipassive -e......Page 307
4.1. Causative -le......Page 309
4.3. Causative -loo......Page 311
4.7. Reciprocal -ante......Page 313
References......Page 315
On reciprocal and reflexive uses of anaphors in German and other European languages
......Page 318
1. Introduction......Page 317
2. The interpretation of German sich in prepositional phrases......Page 319
3.1. Scandinavian......Page 321
3.2. Spanish and Italian......Page 325
4.1. Evidence for a differentiation between two uses of sich......Page 327
4.2. The collective reflexive......Page 331
5. Historical developments......Page 333
5.1. Reflexive and reciprocal readings of anaphors in Latin, Gothic and Old
High German......Page 335
6. Towards an (historical) explanation of the asymmetries in the
distribution of sich......Page 337
6.1.1. Pronominal sich: A bound variable......Page 339
6.1.2. The interpretation of clitic sich: A middle marker......Page 341
6.1.3. Middle marking in interaction with verb meanings......Page 343
6.3. Why has reanalysis been restricted to specific syntactic positions (direct
and indirect objects)?......Page 345
7. A look at Slavonic languages......Page 349
ANAPHOR→ MIDDLE/ RECIPROCAL......Page 353
References......Page 355
1. Where to expect pronouns......Page 357
2. Obliquely reciprocal in Bavarian......Page 359
3. How reciprocals came to be bipartite in Germanic......Page 367
4. How quantifiers got past prepositions......Page 373
5. How reciprocals got attracted to prepositions......Page 377
6. Changeable reciprocals, but not vice versa......Page 379
References......Page 381
1. Introduction......Page 385
2. Symmetry, reciprocity and irreducible symmetry......Page 387
3.1. Obligatorily symmetric strategies......Page 391
3.2. Other kinds of strategies......Page 395
4.1. The construction......Page 397
4.2. The role of symmetry......Page 401
5. Counting symmetric events......Page 405
(discontinuous reciprocal)......Page 409
7. Symmetry and situation types......Page 413
8. Conclusions......Page 415
References......Page 417
1. Introduction......Page 421
2.1. Initial assumptions......Page 423
2.2. On the role of morphology......Page 425
2.3. Inherent reflexives......Page 427
2.4.2. Inherent reciprocals do not relate systematically to transitive
alternates......Page 429
2.4.3. The discontinuous construction is dyadic......Page 431
2.4.4. The discontinuous construction is not necessarily symmetric......Page 433
2.4.5. Monadic and dyadic reciprocals......Page 435
2.5. Interim summary......Page 437
3.1. Unergatives or unaccusatives?......Page 439
3.2.2. Resultative predicates......Page 443
3.2.3. Attributive perfect participles......Page 445
3.2.4. Stative -vA participles......Page 447
3.3. Interim summary......Page 449
4.1. The LFG mapping theory......Page 451
4.2. Argument unification......Page 453
References......Page 457
1. Introduction......Page 461
2. Reciprocal verbs vs. reciprocal anaphors......Page 463
3. The subject of reciprocals......Page 467
(i) Productivity:......Page 473
(ii) ECM reciprocals:......Page 475
(v) Idioms:......Page 477
(vi) Accusative case:......Page 479
5. Event nominals......Page 481
6.1. Setting the stage......Page 483
6.2. Lexical reciprocals in syntax languages......Page 485
6.3. Symmetry – more evidence for the lexical approach......Page 489
6.4. The discontinuous phrase......Page 495
7. Inherent reciprocity......Page 501
(77)
Syntactic Reciprocals......Page 505
References......Page 507
1. Introduction......Page 509
(2) Binding......Page 511
2.1. Reasons for revision......Page 513
Binding Conditions......Page 515
Condition onA-chains......Page 517
2.2.1. Locally bound pronominals......Page 519
2.4. Binding in Logical Syntax......Page 521
2.6. An intermezzo: Chain formation and underspecification......Page 523
2.6.1. Differences in specification for morpho-syntactic features......Page 525
2.6.2. Morpho-syntactic features and chain formation......Page 529
2.7. Binding and reflexives......Page 531
2.8. Why is reflexivity marked?......Page 533
Protecting the variable......Page 535
2.9. Binding and reciprocals......Page 537
3. Revisiting Faltz’s typology......Page 541
3.1. A lexical semantics-based scenario......Page 545
3.2. The inalienable possession model
52......Page 547
3.3. Some further issues......Page 553
3.3.2. Distributivity......Page 555
3.3.3. A final simplification......Page 557
4.1. Can a typology of reciprocals be modeled on the typology developed by
Faltz for reflexives? And how could such a typology be refined?......Page 559
References......Page 561
Domain restrictions on reciprocal interpretation
......Page 568
1. Introduction......Page 567
2. Are reflexives and reciprocals different types of anaphors?......Page 571
3. Are there instances of long-distance binding of reciprocals?......Page 573
1. Introduction......Page 587
2. The peculiar distribution of awake dheen in Peranakan Javanese......Page 589
3. The possessive DP analysis......Page 591
4. “Split antecedents”......Page 579
5. Reciprocals as “anaphors”......Page 581
References......Page 585
From intensive to reflexive: The prosodic factor
......Page 602
1. Introduction1......Page 601
2.3. The Avoid Pronoun theory......Page 609
2.4. The Inalienable Pronoun theory......Page 611
2.5. The Case-and-Chain Theory......Page 613
2.6. Soi as a blocking factor......Page 615
3.1. Some preliminaries......Page 621
3.2.1. himself under primary accent ( himself1)......Page 623
3.2.2. himself under secondary accent ( himself2)......Page 629
3.3. Deaccented himself (himself)......Page 631
References......Page 639
Author index......Page 643
Language index
......Page 651
Subject index
......Page 657