On information structure, meaning and form: generalizations across languages

On Information Structure, Meaning and Form......Page 2
Editorial page......Page 3
Title page......Page 4
LCC data......Page 5
Table of contents......Page 6
Acknowledgments......Page 10
1.	The outset......Page 12
2.	The formal approach and the interpretive approach......Page 16
2.1.1	Focus: Arguments for a syntactic implementation......Page 17
2.1.2	Topic and focus positions......Page 20
2.2	The interpretive approach: The semantics-pragmatics interface......Page 23
2.3	Longstanding questions and new contributions......Page 27
i.	Isomorphism hypothesis......Page 29
iii.	Multiple question-answer congruence hypothesis......Page 30
3.	The chapters......Page 31
3.1.1	Topics and topicalization across languages......Page 32
3.1.2	Focus and focus movement across languages......Page 35
3.2	Information structure and pragmatics: Clause structure and context......Page 38
4.	Conclusion......Page 40
Generalizations across languages......Page 42
2.	The typology of peripheral focus positions......Page 44
3.1	Clausal phase structure is event structure......Page 49
3.2	The functional peripheries of phases are isomorphic......Page 52
4.1	Polarity......Page 53
4.2.1	The modal hierarchy......Page 54
4.2.2	Root and epistemic modality in Thai......Page 58
4.2.3	Towards an analysis......Page 60
4.3.1	The nonuniqueness of sentence type......Page 64
4.3.2	Direction of fit and subordination......Page 67
5.1	Terms and shells......Page 69
5.2	Cleft clauses......Page 70
5.3	Typological variation in cleft focus constructions......Page 72
6.	Conclusion......Page 74
Topics and topicalization across languages......Page 78
1.	Introduction......Page 80
2.	Theoretical framework......Page 81
3.1	Topic......Page 85
3.2	Topicalization......Page 87
4.	Discontinuous DP constructions......Page 91
6.	Conclusion......Page 96
1.	Introduction......Page 98
2.	The intonation of topic constituents in Italian......Page 100
2.1.1	The L*+H contour......Page 101
2.1.2	The H* contour......Page 103
2.1.3	The L* contour......Page 104
2.1.4	A case of multiple realization......Page 105
3.	The syntax of topics in Italian......Page 106
3.1	Merge, move and clitic resumption......Page 108
3.2	The derivation of right-hand topics......Page 110
3.3	Contrast: an interplay between focus and topic......Page 112
3.4	Rizzi (1997) and the topic-focus/wh relation......Page 113
4.2.1	The L+H* contour......Page 114
4.2.2	The L*+H contour......Page 116
4.2.3	The L* contour......Page 117
5.2	The derivation of topic constituents in German......Page 120
5.3	The proper treatment of continuing topics......Page 122
5.4	V2 and the functional structure in the C-domain......Page 124
6.	Conclusions......Page 125
1.	Introduction......Page 128
2. On Korean sentences with the \'topic particle\' nun......Page 129
3.	On the role of the fall-rise accent in English sentences......Page 132
4.	Korean and English: Accented Korean nun-phrases and English fall-rise accents......Page 134
1.	Introduction......Page 140
2.1	Two typical characteristics of Austronesian languages......Page 142
2.2	Topicalization of the trigger......Page 145
3.	Null arguments and topicalization of non-triggers......Page 146
3.1	Agreement and null arguments in Tsou......Page 147
3.2	Null arguments and discourse in Tagalog......Page 153
3.3	Null arguments in Malagasy......Page 156
3.4	Syntactic structure of topicalization of non-triggers......Page 158
4.	Conclusion......Page 161
1.	Introduction......Page 166
2.	Scrambling as permutation of maximal projections......Page 167
3.	Identifying the underlying order......Page 169
4.	Scrambling and focus potential......Page 170
5.	What drives refocusing in German?......Page 171
6. Scrambling in two-place predicates – a case of pragmatically marked base word orders......Page 174
7.	Scrambling in Afrikaans......Page 177
8.	A discourse functional account......Page 178
9.	Refocusing without focus positions......Page 181
10.	Defocusing as the trigger of scrambling......Page 183
11.	On the interpretation of scrambled and non-scrambled definite object categories......Page 187
12.	Conclusion......Page 189
1.	The type of German discourse prominence......Page 194
2. \'Flat\' accounts of word order and discourse functions......Page 198
3.	German discourse prominence vs. English grammar prominence......Page 201
4.1	The discourse-functional extension by several nodes(Grewendorf 2004, Frey 2004b)......Page 205
4.2	The clause-internal higher Topic position......Page 208
4.3	The clause-internal higher Focus position......Page 209
4.4	The discourse-functional extension by one single node (Molnárfi this volume)......Page 210
5.	Summary......Page 211
Focus and focus movement across languages......Page 216
1.	The FP phenomenon and conventional analysis......Page 218
1.1 Syntax: The \'focus movement\' analysis......Page 219
1.2.1	The exhaustivity operator analysis......Page 222
1.2.2	The identificational operator analysis......Page 226
2. A \'main predicate\' position in an incremental account......Page 228
3.	The putative FP/cleft correspondence......Page 233
4.	Summary......Page 235
1.	Introduction......Page 240
2	Multiple foci: Structures and interpretations......Page 241
3	Focus in multiple wh-interrogatives......Page 244
4.1	Movements......Page 247
4.2	Interpretation......Page 249
4.3	Predicitons......Page 252
5	Serbo-Croatian: MF as focus movement......Page 255
6	Japanese: An interpretive Subjacency effect......Page 256
7	Conclusion......Page 259
1.	Introduction......Page 266
2.	Focus structure......Page 267
3.	The FocP-hypothesis......Page 269
4.	Identificational and informational focus......Page 272
5. The exceptionality (\'markedness\') of object fronting in English......Page 275
6.	A processing account......Page 276
6.1	The principles of early immediate constituents (EIC) and dependent nodes later (DNL)......Page 277
6.2	EIC and DNL differences for movement to spec-Foc between English and German......Page 280
6.3	Processing advantages due to case morphology......Page 281
7.	Summary......Page 282
1.	Preliminary remarks......Page 286
2.	Unmarked positions for manner adverbs......Page 287
3.	Licensing transportable adverbs......Page 291
4.	Objections to genuine transportability......Page 295
5.1	A marked position for manner adverbs......Page 300
5.2.1	PP scrambling......Page 301
5.2.2	Focus-movement in the lower IP area......Page 303
6.	Concluding remarks......Page 306
1.	Introduction......Page 312
2.	The PF-output constraint account......Page 315
3.1	Diachronic and synchronic evidence......Page 317
3.2	The Focus Hypothesis......Page 320
3.3	The Focus Isolation account of comparative ellipsis with inversion......Page 324
4.	The extension of the Focus Isolation account:Evidence from pseudogapping......Page 327
5.	Conclusion......Page 331
1.	Introduction......Page 334
2.1	Basic observations......Page 336
2.2	Functional approach......Page 339
3.	OT-approach......Page 341
3.1	Essentials of OT......Page 342
3.2	Agreement......Page 343
3.3	In situ focus of non-subjects......Page 345
3.4	Focus with subjects of intransitive verbs......Page 347
3.5	The special case of subject clefts......Page 349
3.6	Summary and discussion......Page 351
4.	Extension of the account to further discourse notions......Page 352
5.	Conclusion......Page 354
1.	Introduction......Page 358
2.1	Identification of focus: Theoretical background......Page 359
2.2	Information structuring in Czech declarative clauses......Page 361
3.	Maximal focus with a fronted focus exponent: First data......Page 365
4.1	Interfering overt subjects......Page 367
4.2	Extraction, embedding, clause type......Page 369
5.	Licensing of FE fronting and cross-linguistic parallels......Page 371
6.	Summary and further research......Page 372
1.1	Focus: a discourse-semantic category......Page 376
1.2	Background information on Hausa......Page 377
2.1	Ex situ focus......Page 378
2.2	In situ focus......Page 379
2.2.1	Non-subjects......Page 380
2.2.2	Subjects......Page 381
2.3	Co-occurrence of in situ and ex situ focus......Page 382
3.1	Hausa intonational phonology......Page 383
3.2	No prosodic marking of in situ focus in Hausa......Page 384
3.2.2	Qualitative and Quantitative Results......Page 385
3.2.3	A perception study of in situ focus......Page 387
3.3	No prosodic marking of in situ focus in other languages......Page 388
4.	Syntactic focus-marking and interpretation......Page 389
4.1 Hausa – a counterexample to the Meaning-Structure Mapping Hypothesis......Page 390
4.3	Ex situ versus in situ: a quantitative study......Page 392
5.1	Focus pied-piping in Hausa......Page 394
5.2	Partial focus movement in Hausa......Page 396
5.3	Conditions on focus movement......Page 397
6.	On pragmatically induced movement and the absence of focus-marking......Page 398
6.1.2	Emphatic intonation in intonation languages......Page 399
6.1.3	Pragmatically driven movement in Hausa......Page 400
6.2	On the absence of focus-marking......Page 403
6.3	Compensating for the lack of focus marking......Page 404
7.	Conclusion......Page 406
Clause structure and context......Page 416
1.	Overview......Page 418
2.1	Vocatives and reference to the addressee......Page 419
2.2.1	Informal description......Page 420
2.2.2	The expressive meaning of vocatives......Page 423
2.	Addresses......Page 426
3.	Topics......Page 427
4.	Force markers......Page 430
5.	Embedded clauses......Page 431
6.	Conclusion......Page 434
1.	Introduction......Page 438
2.1	Interrogative root clauses......Page 440
2.2	Complement clauses......Page 445
3.1	Syntax and semantics of independently used verb-final clauses......Page 449
3.2	Interpretation of interrogative solitaires......Page 453
4.	Conclusion......Page 455
1.	Embedded questions......Page 458
2.	Embedded yes/no questions: whether or if......Page 461
3.	Open issues in the syntactic account......Page 463
4.	If or whether, the simple case......Page 466
5.	The general case......Page 471
6.	The wider perspective......Page 474
1.	Introduction......Page 478
2.	Some (very) suggestive commonalities......Page 480
3.1	Congruent sentential answers......Page 482
3.2	Deriving short answers......Page 484
3.3	The Subset Condition as a semantic condition on ellipsis......Page 485
3.4 Short answers, gapping and \'questions under discussion\'......Page 488
4.1	A potential problem: The case of underfocusation......Page 489
4.2	Toward a solution with unstructured propositions......Page 490
5.	Some implications of a uniform approach......Page 491
6.	Summary......Page 494
1.	Introduction......Page 496
2.	The domain of focus operators......Page 498
2.1	LF-movement theories......Page 499
2.2	Focus and Focus Phrases......Page 500
3.1	Alternative Semantics......Page 502
3.2	CN and CN-modifier......Page 504
3.3	The definite article......Page 506
4.	The architecture of Alternative Semantics......Page 509
4.1	Fine-grained descriptions......Page 511
4.2	No number information......Page 512
4.3	Choice functions......Page 513
4.4	Polymorph choice function......Page 514
4.5	Type shifting operation......Page 515
5.	Concluding remarks......Page 516
1.	Topics......Page 520
2.1	Existential readings......Page 521
2.2	Generic readings......Page 522
3.2	Generic readings......Page 523
4.1	The data......Page 525
4.2	Explanation......Page 527
4.3	Normative English BPs......Page 529
5.	Back to Italian BPs......Page 530
6.	Conclusion......Page 532
References......Page 534
Name index......Page 570
Subject index......Page 574
The series Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today......Page 578