Naman: A Vanishing Language of Malakula (Vanuatu)

Terry Crowley
The Australian National University
	Table of contents
	Maps
Preface Naman.pdf
	John Lynch
Conventions1.pdf
	Conventions in citing examples
1-Chapter 1.pdf
	Name Language referred to ...
2-Chapter 2.pdf
	2 Phonology
	2.1.2.3  Long vowels
	2.1.3  Syllabification
	Naman Neve‘ei
	Naman Neve‘ei
	Naman Neve‘ei
	Naman Neve‘ei
	Naman Neve‘ei
	Naman Neve‘ei
	Naman Neve‘ei
	Naman Neve‘ei
	Naman Neve‘ei
	Naman Neve‘ei
	Naman Neve‘ei
	Naman Neve‘ei
	Naman Neve‘ei
	Naman Neve‘ei
	Naman Neve‘ei
	Naman Neve‘ei
	/b(n/ /bin/ ‘do to death’
	Naman Neve‘ei
	Naman Neve‘ei
	Naman Neve‘ei
	Naman Neve‘ei
	Naman Neve‘ei
	The retention of final /d/ in both languages is illustrated by correspondences such as the following:
	Naman Neve‘ei
	Naman Neve‘ei
	Naman Neve‘ei
	Naman Neve‘ei
	Naman Neve‘ei
	Naman Neve‘ei
	Phonemic form Phonetic form Orthographic    representation
3-Chapter 3.pdf
	3 Nouns and noun phrases
	Be-ve bë-vësakh khën i? 1sg:irr-do 3sg:irr-how goal 3sg ‘What (lit. how) will I do with her?’
	Singular Plural
	Mokh i Ø-metër bëtev matërvarëkh nge ai Ø-leg person rel 3sg:real-sleep with old.man dem 3sg 3sg:real-sit
	Më-tëkh melili-an noag i mët-utbu-an-ër 1pl.excl:real-take back-tr canoe rel 1pl.excl:real-sail-tr-3pl
	Matërvarëkh tuen Ø-iv i nakhe sen i old.man indef 3sg:real-go goal log poss:3sg rel
	Ø-Lis nevetevet Ø matërvarëkh Ø-lëng nedum air i. 3sg:real-see platform rel old.man 3sg:real-put yam pl loc ‘He saw the platform that the old man had put the yams on.’
4-Chapter 4.pdf
	4 Verbs and the verb complex
	Khët-ma-khan nokhutë-n buag? 2pl:real-cont/hab-eat stem-3sg taro ‘Do you (pl.) eat taro stems?’
	Tëra-v aim i. 1dl.incl:irr-go home goal ‘Let’s (dl.) go home.’
	4.1.1.2  Subject marking
	Realis
	Irrealis
	Realis
	Irrealis
	Realis
	Irrealis
	Realis
	Irrealis
	Realis
	Irrealis
	Ø-ikhëj Ø-sa-khëj-i 3sg:real-kill 3sg:real-neg-kill-neg ‘(s)he killed it’ ‘(s)he did not kill it’
	Ø-bët Ø-së-bëji 3sg:real-cut 3sg:real-neg-cut:neg ‘(s)he cut it’ ‘(s)he did not cut it’
	Bë-sa-v-si bëtev-ëm. 1sg:irr-neg-go-neg acc-2sg ‘I will not go with you.’
	Naman
	Naman
	Ø-Së-vidor-si bët-iv alo navas më-në-vër 3sg:real-neg-able-neg 1pl.excl:irr-go to.shore paddle 3sg:irr-adv-strike
	Kë-se-ve-si man-et bë-sënevang më-na-khëj 2sg:irr-neg-make-neg hum-dem 3sg:irr-angry 3sg:irr-adv-hit
	nevdoro sen. wife poss:3sg ‘Don’t make that man angry in case he hits his wife.’
	Naman
	Neve‘ei
	Ø-së-lëng-ër-si bë-së-bële-r-si 3sg:real-neg-leave-3pl-neg 1sg:irr-neg-go.with-3pl-neg ‘(s)he did not leave them’ ‘I will not go with them’
	At-bëg kine. 3pl:real-tie 1sg ‘They tied me up.’
	Kë-tëkh nevëns ba-ru kët-sël-ër kët-rov-ër vale 2pl:irr-get banana 3sg:irr-two 2sg:irr-roast-3pl 2pl:irr-take-3PL hither
		Reduplication is used in Naman as a derivational process with verbs. All instances of verbal reduplication that have been attested involve one of three patterns of partial reduplication:
		 Initial CV- of the root.
		 Initial CVC- of the root.
		 The first two syllables of the root, i.e. CVCV-.
		Attested examples of CV- reduplication include the following:
	Transitive Intransitive
	Në-de-delangan tat Ø-iv i. 1sg:real-redup-not.know where 3sg:real-go goal ‘I do not know where (s)he went.’
	Deswe Ø-vësakh? sea 3sg:real-how ‘What is the sea like?’
	Khët-ve Ø-vësaan-Ø? 2pl:real-do 3sg:real-how:tr-3sg ‘How did you all do it?’
	Akhug khë-lis ëns kine? 2sg 2sg:real-see compl 1sg ‘Have you seen me?’
	At-leg usër, metenal tuen air tuen Ø-isiëkh khën 3pl:real-stay durt day indef 3pl indef 3sg:real-climb tr
	Ajël mo-mour-an labët. 3pl:real:burn red-alive-tr rat ‘They burned the rat alive.’
	Neleng Ø-khëj bër vënaan nakhe air. wind 3sg:real-hit break do.all tree pl ‘The wind broke all of the trees.’
5-Chapter 5.pdf
	5 Simple sentences
	Nokhutë-n buag | tet rë-së-ma-khan-khan-si. stem-3sg taro  rel imp:real-neg-cont/hab-redup-eat-neg ‘Taro stem is (something) that one does not eat.’
	Bësien nen Khurni | insebi. language poss Khurni  different ‘The language of Khurni was different.’
	Merika air ajë-lëkh-si main khawes Malo America pl 3pl:real:neg-hang-neg mine across Malo
	Akhug kh-iseb bëtev tan? 2sg 2sg:real-walk acc who ‘Who did you walk with?’
	Ajelsel sen tan? 3pl:real:shell.out.copra ben:3sg who ‘Who are they shelling out copra for?’
	Kë-melili nangsen tevlen? 2sg:irr-return when other.side ‘When will you return to the other side?’
	Locational noun Ordinary noun
	lemev ‘level place’ nemev ‘level place’
	khamil ‘meeting house’ naamil ‘meeting house’
	lakhe ‘bush’ nakhe ‘tree’
	aim ‘house, home’ neim ‘house’
	At-ma-varedog nsi at. 3pl:real-cont/hab-tell.truth now top ‘They are telling the truth now.’
	Metebëkh! morning ‘Good night!, Goodbye!’
		5.4  Interrogative clauses
	Melëkh sen tan at? kava poss:3sg who top ‘Whose kava is this?’
	Khë-ve nsan? 2sg:real-do what ‘What did you do?’
	Nangsa-m tan? name-2sg who ‘What is your name?’
	Khë-mensan nsan tuen at? 2sg:real-look.for what indef top ‘What (specific thing) are you looking for?’
	Tan air at-mën melëkh nenëv? who pl 3pl:real-drink kava yesterday ‘Who (pl.) drank kava yesterday?’
	Mokhot ivis at-vale i neim? person how.many 3pl:real-come goal house ‘How many people came to the house?’
	Bë-tëkh ba-vis? 1sg:irr-take irr-how.many ‘How many will I take?’
	Be-ve bë-vaa-vis? 1sg:irr-do 3sg:irr-mult-how.many ‘How many times will I do it?’
	Kë-melili nangsen tevlen? 2sg:irr-return when other.side ‘When will you return to the other side?’
	Ø-Ilung abe Ø-vale? 3sg:real-travel where 3sg:real-come ‘Whence has (s)he come?’
	Eabe noag? where ship ‘Where is the ship?’
	Nesel i Lenelukh eabe? road goal Lenelukh where ‘Where is the road to Lenelukh?’
	Be-ve bë-vësakh? 1sg:irr-do 3sg:irr-how ‘How will I do it?’
	Khë-lis deswe Ø-vësakh? 2sg:real-see sea 3sg:real-how ‘How does the sea look to you?’
	Ø-Vësakh khët-sa-var-si kët-ve nestuen khën 3sg:real-why 2pl:real-neg-want-neg 2pl:irr-do something obl
	demes  net? devil  dem ‘Why don’t you all want to do something to the devil?’
	Khët-ve Ø-vësaan-Ø at? 2pl:real-do 3sg:real-do.how:tr-3sg top ‘How did you all do it?’
	Khë-ve tuskhëni? 2sg:real-do how ‘How did you do it?’
	Khë-ve nsan? 2sg:real-do what ‘What did you do?’
	Nsan at khë-ve? what top 2sg:real-do ‘What did you do?’
6-Chapter 6.pdf
	6 Multi-predicate sentences
	Auxiliary meaning Lexical meaning
	Khë-var nsan at? 2sg:real-say what top ‘What did you say?’
	Lektërvarëkh Ø-irëb  khën Ø-var khën naabë-n old.woman 3sg:real-work tr 3sg:real-say goal grandchild-3sg
	Get  tër-së-vidor-si tëra-bës usër khën 1dl.incl  1dl.incl:real-neg-abil-neg 1dl.incl:irr-speak cause obl
	U-tokh u-min nebwal. 2sg:real-stay 2sg:real-drink kava ‘You (habitually) drink kava.’
		6.1.7  Inceptive
		6.2  Serial verbs
	At-lev melili-an-ër 3pl:real-take return-tr-3pl ‘They took them back.’
	Ag kh-ilung abe Ø-vale? 2sg 2sg:real-travel where 3sg:real-come ‘Whence have you travelled?’
	Be-ve bë-vësakh? 1sg:irr-do 3sg:irr-be.how ‘How will I do it?’
	Tët-bëg ba-v ba-v ba-v bë-jëber nerangasë-n 1pl.incl:irr-tie 3sg:irr-go 3sg:irr-go 3sg:irr-go 3sg:irr-reach branch-3sg
	Ø-Var khën nane  sen Ø-bële tate 3sg:real-say dat mother  poss:3sg 3sg:real-accompany father
	Bavarsi aru bëra-var “Ø-imes-mes mour” tët-mour if 3dl 3dl:irr-say  3sg:real-redup-die live 1pl.incl:irr-live
	Nelmu i nevenu Ø-mour Ø-iv Ø-tëleb e time sub village 3sg:real-grow 3sg:real-become 3sg:real-big and
	Ø-khas bëtakhe  khën ai. 3sg:real-bite very.much tr 3sg ‘The pig didn’t walk any more because it was very cold.’
	Bavar nevenu tuen be-ve nelag tuen be-set e nevenu cond village indef 3sg:irr-make pudding indef 3sg:irr-thus and village
	Ø-Rong khën Ø-var usër matërvarëkh. 3sg:real-hear sub 3sg:real-say about old.man ‘He heard that he talked about the old man.’
	Matërvarëkh tuen Ø-isiëkh i nense Ø-var  old.man indef 3sg:real-climb loc Tahitian.chestnut 3sg:real-intend
	Ne-n matërvarëkh nge Ø-merakh Ø-var ba-v spirit-3sg old.man dem 3sg:real-get.up 3sg:real-intend 3sg:irr-go
	Motuen nelmu deswe Ø-ibën Ø-tëleb somebody when sea 3sg:real-be.high.tide 3sg:real-much
	Igem tan Ø-ve balabal sen igem? 2pl who 3sg-cop leader poss:3sg 2pl ‘Who is your leader?’
	Khë-ve nsan? 2sg:real-do what ‘What did you do?’
	Nsan at  khë-ve? what top  2sg:real-do ‘What is it that you did?’
	Ø-Vësakh khëja-var-si kët-ve nestuen khën demes net? 3sg:real-why 2pl:real:neg-desid-neg 2pl:irr-do something obl devil dem ‘Why don’t you all want to do something to the devil?’
	Nerëbien tit në-ma-rëb khën kine na-rëb usër job rel 1sg:real-cont/hab-do tr 1sg 1sg:real-work as
	Kine misnari Ø-vale Ø-leg iag nangse-n 1sg missionary 3sg:real-come 3sg:real-stay here name-3sg
	Kamem sukul Ø-vale. 1pl.excl church 3sg:real-come ‘As part of our history, the church came.’
		There is a very frequently attested particle in Naman of the shape at.  Despite the fact that this form is very widely attested, it is difficult to clearly define its precise function (or functions).  In any sentence which contains at, the particle can be deleted and the result is a perfectly grammatical sentence as described in the remainder of this grammar. Compare, for example, the following pair of attested sentences in which the first contains the particle at and the second does not.
	Re-lev nakhanien at. 3dl:real-take food ‘The two of them took the food.’
		In some cases, at appears to have a demonstrative or definite-marking type of function, as in the following:
	Nsan at khët-vëles net? what top 2pl:real-bake dem ‘What are you baking?’
	Khë-lis Ø-ve nsan at evatëkhnakh? 2sg:real-see 3sg:real-do what top now ‘What do you see him doing now?’
		Particles—or sometimes clitics—with a similar distribution appear to be widely distributed in Vanuatu languages.  At in Naman appears to overlap fairly substantially in function with forms in a number of Vanuatu languages, e.g. the particle ang in Neve‘ei (Musgrave 2001:163–165), the clitic -ngani in Paamese (Crowley 1982:232–233) and the particle ma in Erromangan, described in Crowley (1998b:169–170) as a demonstrative. These forms also appear to correspond closely in function to some of the functions of the Bislama form ia for which no fully satisfactory overall account has yet been published.
		I would argue that in all of the descriptions mentioned above, these forms have been inadequately described, with a substantial body of data having been ignored (or simply not recorded) in the grammatical accounts.  The Neve‘ei particle ang, for example, has been described as a question tag. While this form certainly does appear in questions, it also frequently appears in declarative clauses such as the following, so it cannot be correct to refer to it simply as a question tag:
		Any non-demonstrative functions of ma in Erromangan, such as those illustrated in the following sentences, were also ignored completely in Crowley (1998b):
	Ø-Sere ner nakhe Ø-ivi nowe Ø-lumës khën 3sg:real-take leaf tree 3sg:real-squeeze water 3sg:real-wet inst
	Na‘ai nen nokhoit i-sokh en nelabut i-vwelem stick rel octopus 3sg:real-spear inst rat 3sg:real-become
	Wehem kaliko we yumi stap sevem kava long hem? > Wehem kaliko we yumi stap sevem long kava? ‘Where is the cloth that we sieve kava with?’
7-Chapter 7.pdf
	7 Illustrative texts
8-Chapter 8a.pdf
	8 Naman lexicon
9-References.pdf
	References