Morphosyntactic variation in East African Bantu languages: Descriptive and comparative approaches

Contents
Author biographies
1 Introduction Lutz Marten and Hannah Gibson and Rozenn Guérois and Gastor Mapunda
	1 Background
	2 Origins of the book
	3 Chapters in the volume
	4 Editorial considerations
	5 Next steps
	6 Acknowledgements
	7 Dedication
I The nominal domain
	2 Demonstratives in Chiyao: An analysis of their form, distribution and functions Julius Taji
		1 Introduction
		2 The Chiyao language
		3 Forms of the Chiyao demonstrative
		4 Classification of demonstratives
			4.1 Pronominal demonstratives
			4.2 Adnominal demonstratives
			4.3 Adverbial demonstratives
			4.4 Identificational demonstratives
		5 Syntactic distributions of demonstratives
			5.1 The pre-nominal position
			5.2 The post-nominal position
			5.3 The pre-nominal and post-nominal position
		6 Functions of demonstratives
			6.1 Spatial-deictic role
			6.2 Emphatic role
			6.3 Definiteness role
			6.4 Tail-head linking
		7 Conclusion
	3 The structure, distribution and function of demonstratives in Runyankore-Rukiga Allen Asiimwe
		1 Introduction
		2 The morphology of demonstratives
			2.1 Argument for the demonstrative root a-
			2.2 Proximal, medial and distal demonstratives
			2.3 The demonstrative suffix -nu
			2.4 Identificational demonstrative n-
			2.5 Locative demonstratives
			2.6 The manner demonstrative -ti
		3 Syntax of Runyankore-Rukiga demonstratives
			3.1 Position of the demonstrative in the NP
			3.2 Demonstratives and the head noun augment
			3.3 Double demonstratives in one NP
			3.4 Pronominal demonstratives
			3.5 Demonstrative adverbs
		4 Functions of demonstratives
			4.1 Exophoric uses
			4.2 Endophoric uses
			4.3 Other functions of the demonstrative: emphasis and particularisation
		5 Conclusion
	4 Concord and agreement in Eastern Bantu: The augment and noun classes in Nyakyusa Amani Lusekelo
		1 Introduction
		2 The shape and concord of bare nouns
			2.1 The shape and distribution of the augment
			2.2 The function of the augment in Nyakyusa in relation to its role in Eastern Bantu
			2.3 CV-particle in the nominal domain in Nyakyusa
		3 Configuration and concord in complex noun phrases
		4 Object marking and the status of the augment in bare nouns
		5 Conclusions
	5 The morphosyntax of locative expressions in Kiwoso Aurelia Mallya
		1 Introduction
		2 Linguistic profile of Kiwoso
		3 The Kiwoso noun class system
		4 Locative nouns in Kiwoso
			4.1 Unproductive locative prefixes
			4.2 Locative suffixation
			4.3 Locative agreement patterns
				4.3.1 Locative marking within NPs
				4.3.2 Locative verbal marking
			4.4 Locative verbal enclitics
		5 Summary and conclusion
	6 A comparative study of the locative system in South-Tanzanian Bantu languages Gastor Mapunda and Fabiola Hassan
		1 Introduction
		2 Locative marking strategies
		3 Locative agreement
			3.1 Agreement within NPs
			3.2 Agremeent within VPs
			3.3 Summary
		4 Locative inversion constructions
		5 Conclusion
II The verbal domain
	7 Multiple-object constructions in Ganda Nobuko Yoneda and Judith Nakayiza
		1 Introduction
		2 Background to the research
		3 Double-object constructions
			3.1 Word order of object NPs
				3.1.1 Ditransitive verbs
				3.1.2 Applicative verbs
				3.1.3 Causative verbs
				3.1.4 Summary of word order of object NPs
			3.2 Passivization
				3.2.1 Ditransitive
				3.2.2 Applicative
				3.2.3 Causative
				3.2.4 Summary of properties of passivization
			3.3 Object marking
				3.3.1 Ditransitive
				3.3.2 Applicative
				3.3.3 Causative
				3.3.4 Summary of object marking
			3.4 Findings and summary of double-object constructions in Ganda
		4 Triple-object constructions
			4.1 Order of object NPs
			4.2 The order of OMs
				4.2.1 Two OMs + one NP
				4.2.2 Three OMs
			4.3 Constraint of the 1st person singular OM n-
			4.4 Findings and summary of triple-object constructions in Ganda
		5 Conclusion
	8 Object marking in four Mozambican Bantu languages Armindo Ngunga and Crisófia Langa da Câmara
		1 Introduction
		2 A parametric approach to object marking in Bantu
			2.1 (i) The co-occurrence of object markers and lexical objects
			2.2 (ii) The obligatoriness of object markers with specific classes of objects
			2.3 (iii) The presence of locative object markers
			2.4 (iv) The multiple object markers
			2.5 (v) The object marking in double object constructions
			2.6 (vi) The object marking in relative clauses
		3 Object marking in four Mozambican Bantu languages
			3.1 Object marking in Cinyungwe
				3.1.1 (i) Can the object marker and the object argument co-occur?
				3.1.2 (ii) Is an object marker obligatory with particular object NPs?
				3.1.3 (iii) Are there locative object markers?
				3.1.4 (iv) Is object marking restricted to one object marker per verb?
				3.1.5 (v) Can either benefactive or theme objects be expressed by an object marker in double object constructions?
				3.1.6 (vi) Is an object marker required/optional/disallowed in object relatives?
			3.2 Object marking in Citshwa
				3.2.1 (i) Can the object marker and the object argument co-occur?
				3.2.2 (ii) Is an object marker obligatory with particular object NPs in Citshwa?
				3.2.3 (iii) Are there locative object markers?
				3.2.4 (iv) Is object marking restricted to one object marker per verb?
				3.2.5 (v) Can either benefactive or theme objects be expressed by an object marker in double object constructions?
				3.2.6 (vi) Is an object marker required/optional/disallowed in object relatives?
			3.3 Object marking in Ciwutee
				3.3.1 (i) Can the object marker and the object argument co-occur in Ciwutee?
				3.3.2 (ii) Is an object marker obligatory with particular object NPs?
				3.3.3 (iii) Are there locative object markers?
				3.3.4 (iv) Is object marking restricted to one object marker per verb?
				3.3.5 (v) Can either benefactive or theme objects be expressed by an object marker in double object constructions?
				3.3.6 (vi) Is an object marker required/optional/disallowed in object relatives?
			3.4 Object marking in Ciyaawo
				3.4.1 (i) Can the object marker and the object argument co-occur?
				3.4.2 (ii) Is an object marker obligatory with particular object NPs?
				3.4.3 (iii) Are there locative object markers?
				3.4.4 (iv) Is object marking restricted to one object marker per verb?
				3.4.5 (v) Can either benefactive or theme objects be expressed by an object marker in double object constructions?
				3.4.6 (vi) Is an object marker required/optional/disallowed in object relatives?
				3.4.7 (vii) Is an object marker obligatory with particular verbs?
			3.5 Summary
		4 Conclusions
	9 Verb extensions and morphosyntactic variation in Bantu: The case of Sumbwa Kulikoyela Kahigi
		1 Introduction
		2 Sumbwa verb extensions
			2.1 The applicative: -il-
			2.2 The passive: -u-, -iβu-
			2.3 The causative: -i-/-iisi-
			2.4 The instrumental: -i-, -iisi-
			2.5 The impositive: -ik-
			2.6 The stative: -ik-
			2.7 The associative: -i-/-an-
			2.8 The reversive: -ul-/uk-~-uul-/-uuk-~-ulul-/-uluk-
			2.9 The persistive -ilil-, -ilizi-
				2.9.1 The persistive -ilil-
				2.9.2 The persistive: -ilizi-1
				2.9.3 The persistive: -ilizi-2
			2.10 Frequentative -agul, -aguk-
				2.10.1 Examples involving both extensions
				2.10.2 Examples involving -agul- only
				2.10.3 Examples involving -aguk- only
				2.10.4 Cases involving -CVCVC- verb roots
				2.10.5 Cases of lexicalization of -agul-, -aguk-
			2.11 The denominative -h-, -ahal-
			2.12 The reiterative: -ul-, uul-
			2.13 The static -am-
			2.14 The contactive: -at-
			2.15 Other less-known verb extensions
				2.15.1 -agil-
				2.15.2 -agan-
				2.15.3 -al-
				2.15.4 -l-
		3 Co-occurrence constraints
		4 Sumbwa verb extensions and parameters of Bantu morphosyntactic variation
			4.1 Canonical passive (Parameter 36)
			4.2 ``Impersonal\'\' passives (Parameter 37)
			4.3 Agent noun phrase (Parameter 38)
			4.4 Bare agent (Parameter 39)
			4.5 Reciprocal (Parameter 40)
			4.6 Other functions of the associative (Parameter 41)
			4.7 Causative (Parameter 42)
			4.8 Instrumental causative (Parameter 43)
			4.9 Applicative (Parameter 44)
			4.10 Applicative functions (Parameter 45)
			4.11 Multiple applicative extensions (Parameter 46)
			4.12 Neuter/stative (Parameter 47)
			4.13 Order of suffixes (Parameter 48)
		5 Conclusion
	10 Tense and aspect marking in Bantu languages of the Morogoro region, Tanzania Malin Petzell and Peter Edelsten
		1 Introduction
			1.1 Background
			1.2 The languages selected for the study
			1.3 Structure of the chapter
		2 The verbal template
			2.1 Slot 1: Pre-subject marker (PRE.SM)
			2.2 Slot 2: Subject marker (SM)
			2.3 Slot 3: Post-subject marker (POST.SM)
			2.4 Slot 4: First tense/aspect marker (TA1)
			2.5 Slot 5: Object marker (OM)
			2.6 Slot 6: Verb root
			2.7 Slot 7: Extensions (EXT)
			2.8 Slot 8: Second tense/aspect marker (TA2)
			2.9 Slot 9: Passive suffix (PASS)
			2.10 Slot 10: Final vowel (FV)
			2.11 Slot 11: Post-final vowel suffix (POST.FM)
			2.12 Conclusions about the template
		3 Tense/aspect
			3.1 Models of Bantu tense/aspect
			3.2 Tense/aspect morphology in Kagulu
			3.3 Tense/aspect morphology in Kami
			3.4 Tense/aspect morphology in Luguru
			3.5 Tense/aspect morphology in Ndamba
			3.6 Tense/aspect morphology in Pogoro
			3.7 Loss of the suffix -ile in Kagulu, Kami and Luguru
			3.8 Periphrastic constructions
			3.9 Summary of tense/aspect morphology
		4 Other related markers
			4.1 Imperative
			4.2 Subjunctive
			4.3 Conditional
			4.4 Conditional/temporal `when …\'
			4.5 Habitual/progressive/intensive
			4.6 Negatives
			4.7 Summary of other related markers
		5 Conclusions
III Comparative and historical approaches
	11 A comparative sketch of TA markers in Kilimanjaro Bantu: In search of the directionality of semantic shift and micro-parametric correlation Daisuke Shinagawa
		1 Introduction
		2 Comparative lists of TAM
			2.1 Rwa
			2.2 Siha
			2.3 Uru
			2.4 Rombo-Mkuu
			2.5 Mashami (RugemaliraPhanuel2012)
			2.6 Kibosho Kagaya1989
			2.7 Vunjo Nurse2003a
			2.8 Gweno (PhilippsonNurse2000)
		3 Semantic correspondence of each TAM
			3.1 Inherent markers: TAM0 and TAM1
				3.1.1 a-
				3.1.2 e-
				3.1.3 le-
				3.1.4 li-
				3.1.5 we-
			3.2 Recently grammaticalised markers: TAM2
				3.2.1 *ci
				3.2.2 *kad
				3.2.3 *mad
			3.3 Suffixes
				3.3.1 *-ag
				3.3.2 *-ile
				3.3.3 Vowel copy suffix
		4 Grammaticalisation chains and a microparametric approach to regionally shared features
			4.1 Grammaticalisation chains
				4.1.1 PST-ANT-STAT continuum
				4.1.2 prog-fut-hab continuum
			4.2 Microparametric approach to regional features
		5 Concluding remarks
	12 The historical development of the reflexive-reciprocal polysemy in Hehe Lengson Ngwasi and Abel Mreta
		1 Introduction
		2 Reflexive-reciprocal polysemy: An overview of construction types
			2.1 Infinitive constructions
			2.2 Constructions with singular subjects
			2.3 Constructions with plural subjects
		3 The historical development of the reflexive-reciprocal polysemy in Hehe: A grammaticalization perspective
			3.1 Grammaticalization and its parameters
			3.2 The stages of grammaticalization of the reflexive prefix -i- in Hehe
		4 The loss of the reflex of the Proto-Bantu reciprocal suffix *-an- and the emergence of the reflexive-reciprocal polysemy
		5 Conclusion
	13 Morphosyntactic variation in Old Swahili Lutz Marten and Hannah Gibson and Rozenn Guérois and Kyle Jerro
		1 Introduction
		2 Methodological background
			2.1 Methodological approach
			2.2 Old Swahili
			2.3 Standard Swahili
		3 Parameters of variation
			3.1 The coding of alienable and inalienable possession (Parameter 18)
			3.2 Demonstrative morphology (Parameter 20)
			3.3 The use of the agentive suffix -i (Parameter 28)
			3.4 The coding of the agent phrase in passives (Parameter 38)
			3.5 Negative imperatives (Parameter 58)
			3.6 The formation of the perfect (Parameter 68)
			3.7 Preverbal TAM slots (Parameter 73)
			3.8 Pre-verbal and post-verbal object marking (Parameter 75)
			3.9 Summary of comparative results
		4 Old Swahili in the context of the development of Swahili and of wider Bantu variation
			4.1 Qualitative differences and the standardisation of Swahili
			4.2 Quantitative differences and comparative Bantu contexts
		5 Conclusions
	Index
		Name index
		Language index
		Subject index