Indo-Aryan and the Linguistic History and Prehistory of North India

Cover
Title Pages
Table of Contents
Introductory
	Language abbreviations
	Notes on transcriptions and translations
	Grammatical abbreviations and phonetic symbols
	Abbreviations of ancient and new works, authors, texts andwebsites
	Acknowledgements
Part I North India and the arrival of Indo-Aryan
	Chapter 1 An Indo-Aryan history
		1.1 The scope of the book
			1.1.1 The argument structure and sequence of topics in the book
			1.1.2 Summary of the historical linguistic developments
			1.1.3 On Outer and Inner Languages
			1.1.4 Some common Outer Language features
		1.2 From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Indo-Iranian
			1.2.1 Subdivision I: The linguistic development
				1.2.1.1 Further objections to the previous historical models
				1.2.1.2 Loss of aspiration in mediae in Chittagongian
			1.2.2 A timeline for development of stridents
				1.2.2.1 PIA-inherited voiced affricates in MIA and NIA
				1.2.2.2 Bartholomae’s law
				1.2.2.3 Additional examples for etymologically unjustified voicing andaspiration
			1.2.3 Multiple affricate orders in G¯andh¯ar¯ı, Dardic and West Pah¯ar.¯ı
	Chapter 2 A Kartvelian substrate in northwestern South Asia
		2.1 Affricate and sibilant subsystems
		2.2 Kartvelian vestiges
			2.2.1 Subdivision II: The historical-geographic development
	Chapter 3 Traces of a pre-Indo-European substrate in Indo-Aryan
		3.1 Germanic and Pelasgian?
		3.2 A Mediterrannean substrate?
		3.3 Two onomatopoeic(?) roots *geu-, *keu- and *leup-, leubh
		3.4 Pre-Greek and Indo-Aryan: more potential parallels
		3.5 Indo-Aryan words with other cognates not deriving from PIE
		3.6 Proto-Indo-Iranian and its descendants in contact with Finno-Ugric
		3.7 Ancient contacts with Tocharian?
	Chapter 4 Fates of the Proto-Indo-European gutturals
		4.1 The historical background
			4.1.1 Various aspects of satemization
		4.2 Reflexes of PIE palato- and (labio-)velar single consonants
			4.2.1 Dardic
			4.2.2 West Pah¯ar.¯ı
			4.2.3 Nuristani, Dardic, West Pah¯ar.¯ı (and Iranian)
			4.2.4 Deaffrication
		4.3 Reflexes of PIE palato- and (labio-)velar sibilant-stop clusters
			4.3.1 Dardic
			4.3.2 West Pah¯ar.¯ı
			4.3.3 Non-satemized and satemized doublets
			4.3.4 Additional non-satemized examples
			4.3.5 Examples for linkage words
			4.3.6 Indo-Iranian satemizations
			4.3.7 Dentalized affricates in Khowar and Kalasha
			4.3.8 Non-dentalized reflexes of palato-velars?
			4.3.9 Prehistoric dentalized affricates in East Iranian languages
			4.3.10 Dentalized affricates in Balti and Bun¯an (Northwestern Tibetan)
			4.3.11 Historic dentalization of languages with one palatal affricates order
	Chapter 5 On aspiration in Indo-Iranian
		5.0.1 Loss of aspiration and ‘spontaneous’ aspiration: lenition and fortition
		5.0.2 Sanskrit aspiration alternations
	Chapter 6 Consonant cluster assimilations and simplifications
		6.1 Inherited consonant clusters
	Chapter 7 Segmental and suprasegmental processes
		7.1 Partial preservation of inherited accent patterns in Dardic
		7.2 Partial preservation of inherited accent patterns in Chittagongian
		7.3 Partial preservation of inherited accent patterns in Rohingya language
		7.4 Partial and indirect preservation of inherited accent patterns in Ba˙ ng¯an.¯
		7.5 Former tripartite subsystems also in varieties of West Pah¯ar.¯
		7.6 Preservation of OIA medial stops
		7.7 Alternations y ∼ v ∼ h
	Chapter 8 Developments of inherited syllable structures
		8.1 Syllable structures
			8.1.1 Some remarks on the disparate fate of geminates in Indo-Aryan
			8.1.2 The two-mora rule and its different evolutions
		8.2 Geminates and Vedic accent in non-inherited Sanskritwords
		8.3 Overview of Ba˙ ng¯an.¯ı geminates
		8.4 Examples for preservation of geminates in Rohingya
	Chapter 9 Three sundry topics
		9.1 Some principles of phonological and semantic changes
		9.2 Words deriving from non-documented Old Indo-Aryan lects
		9.3 Origin and development of the Middle Indo-Aryan -ll - suffix
Part II North India and the arrival of Austro-Asiatic
	Chapter 10 Ideophones/expressives
		10.1 Phonological impact of Austro-Asiatic
			10.1.1 Consonant variation in Munda and Outer Languages
			10.1.2 Sesquisyllabic words
			10.1.3 Sindh¯ı, West Pah¯ar.¯ı, West Himalayish and Munda
		10.2 ‘Defective’ words in the CDIAL of Austro-Asiatic origin
Part III North India before the arrival of Indo-Aryan, Austro-Asiatic and Kartvelian
	Chapter 11 A North Indian substratum
		11.1 History of syllable structures
			11.1.1 Word and syllable languages
		11.2 Northwestern and central IA syllable structures
			11.2.1 The SARVA Project (‘macro lemmata’)
		11.3 Laryngeal processes
			11.3.1 Glottalization of vowels, checked consonants and ‘spontaneous aspiration’
			11.3.2 Glottalization (laryngalization) and checked consonants
			11.3.3 ‘Spontaneous aspiration’
			11.3.4 Aspiration fronting
			11.3.5 NW deaspiration and ‘phoneme split’ of voiced aspirates
			11.3.6 Deaspiration in other languages
		11.4 ‘Spontaneous’ affrication of sibilants
			11.4.1 Voiceless affrication
			11.4.2 Word-internal voiced and unvoiced affrication
		11.5 Affrication, apicalization and lateralization
			11.5.1 Different types of word-medial consonant weakening processes
	11.6 Changes of other consonants
		11.6.1 Voicing of surds
		11.6.2 Devoicing of sonants
		11.6.3 Devoicing of sonants and laryngealization
		11.6.4 r fronting
		11.6.5 Nasal consonant variations
		11.6.6 Voice variations
		11.6.7 Place of articulation variations of sibilants/affricates
		11.6.8 OIA s.ya > śa or s.a
		11.6.9 A variant of Grassmann’s Law
		11.6.10 Coronal consonant harmony
		11.6.11 Irregular developments
	11.7 Similar phonetic variations in Niya Prakrit and Khotan Saka
		11.7.1 Niya Prakrit
		11.7.2 Khotan Saka
	11.8 Vowel changes
		11.8.1 Change of a > u or o
		11.8.2 Change of a > i
		11.8.3 Change of a > e
	11.9 Loss or weakening of word-initial consonants
		11.9.1 Dardic and Burushaski
		11.9.2 Deśya Prakrit
	11.10 The interface of linguistic prehistory and history: hedgehog and peacock
Part IV Morphological processes
	Chapter 12 Different past forms
		12.1 Past forms built with liquids
			12.1.1 Past forms built with l
			12.1.2 Past forms built with r
			12.1.3 Past forms and converbs built with t
			12.1.4 Past forms built with -i˜u
	Chapter 13 Further morphological issues
		13.1 The auxiliary ta, t¯u etc. ‘is; was’
		13.2 OIA superlative in Ban˙ g¯an.¯ı, Dardic (and Kon˙ kan.¯ı?)
		13.3 Reflexes of OIA -(i)tavya
		13.4 OIA vártate in the sense of ‘becomes’
		13.5 Some remarks on future, present and past paradigms
		13.6 Composite verbs with ‘light’ adverbs
		13.7 Interrogative words
Part V Language theories and models
	Chapter 14 General theories
		14.1 Preliminaries
			14.1.1 Some remarks on ‘language’
		14.2 The Social Network Model
			14.2.1 A short critique of the historical-comparative method
			14.2.2 Principles of the Social Network Model
		14.3 Cultured koinés and country patois
		14.4 The cultural character of the high mountains in South Asia
		14.5 Excursus: The “Gandh¯ara thesis”
	Chapter 15 Histories of Indo-Aryan: a retrospective
		15.1 Old and Middle Indo-Aryan
		15.2 Vedic dialects
		15.3 Old Indo-Aryan Dialects
			15.3.1 Asko Parpola
			15.3.2 Ralf Turner
			15.3.3 Thomas Burrow
			15.3.4 Reiner Lipp and non-application of RUKI?
			15.3.5 Thomas Oberlies
			15.4 Indigenous substrates?
	Chapter 16 Different subdivisions in Outer- vs Inner Languages
		16.1 Additional views on the linguistic position of Nuristani
			16.1.1 Degener and Cardona on Nuristani
			16.1.2 Strand on Nuristani
		16.2 Additional views on the linguistic position of Dardic
		16.3 Outer Language features in R¯ajbanshi
		16.4 Outer Languages substrate in Inner Languages
Part VI Language data lists
	Chapter 17 Outer Language word list
		7.1 Ban˙ g¯an.¯ı affixes and phonemes
	Chapter 18 Linguistic data I
		18.1 Modern reflexes of Old Indo-Aryan
			18.1.1 A few more interesting (and problematic) lemmata
		18.2 Common words without OIA etymology
		18.3 Iranian words in Indo-Aryan
		18.4 Proto-Indo-European
		18.5 Supplement to CDIAL asterisk entries with likely PIE origin
		18.6 Reflexes of PIE in South Asia
	Chapter 18 Linguistic data II
		18.7 Munda/Mon-Khmer traces in South Asia
			18.7.1 Burushaski parallels with Mon-Khmer and mostly also with Munda
			18.7.2 Burushaski parallels with Munda but not with Mon-Khmer
			18.7.3 Old reverse borrowings from Indo-Aryan into Burushaski andMunda
			18.7.4 Purik and Balti parallels with Mon-Khmer and mostly also withMunda
			18.7.5 Purik and Balti parallels with Munda but not with Mon-Khmer
			18.7.6 West Himalayish parallels with  Mon-Khmer and mostly also withMunda
			18.7.7 West Himalayish parallels with Munda but not with Mon-Khmer (except uncertain cases)
			18.7.8 Kham and Austro-Asiatic
			18.7.9 Chepang and Austro-Asiatic
			18.7.10 Tani Apatani, West Himalayish and Austro-Asiatic
			18.7.11 Tani Tangam, Lower Adi and Austro-Asiatic
			18.7.12 TB NE Indian area group and Austro-Asiatic
			18.7.13 New (and a few Old) Indo-Aryan parallels with Mon-Khmer and frequently also with Munda
			18.7.14 New Indo-Aryan parallels with Munda but not with Mon-Khmer
			18.7.15 Some (potential) Austro-Asiatic borrowings into Dravidian Kurukh and Malto
			18.7.16 Common or similar Austro-Asiatic and Tibeto-Burman etyma and hybrid compounds
			18.7.17 Some Austro-Asiatic words also in East Iranian
			18.7.18 Some similar Austro-Asiatic and Indo-European etyma
	Chapter 18 Linguistic data III
		18.8 Kartvelian traces in northwestern South Asia
			18.8.1 Burushaski
			18.8.2 Nuristani, Dardic and New Indo-Aryan
			18.8.3 Iranian
			18.8.4 Northwestern Tibetan
			18.8.5 Language of BMAC and Old Indo-Aryan
References