Deconstructing ergativity: two types of ergative languages and their features

Content: Machine generated contents note: pt. I Two types of ergatives --
1. Introduction --
1.1. Setting the stage --
1.2. Syntactic ergativity --
1.2.1. phenomenon --
1.2.2. range of the phenomenon --
1.2.3. relevance of syntactic ergativity --
1.3. importance of starting small --
1.3.1. Syntactic ergativity broadly defined --
1.3.2. Not all A-bar movement phenomena are created equal --
1.3.3. Some methodological odds and ends --
Appendix: Compensatory strategies under syntactic ergativity --
2. Proposal --
2.1. Crucial empirical observations --
2.1.1. Diachronic pathways to ergativity --
2.1.2. Oblique subjects --
2.2. proposal: Two classes of ergative languages --
2.3. From a PP specifier to syntactic ergativity --
2.3.1. relationship between the verbal functional head and ergative P --
2.3.2. Ergative P and P-stranding --
2.3.3. Ergative P and pied-piping --
2.3.4. From a PP subject to syntactic ergativity --
2.4. Basic clausal structures in the two types of ergative languages --
2.4.1. PP-ergative and DP-ergative languages: transitive clauses --
2.4.2. PP-ergative and DP-ergative languages: unergative clauses --
2.4.3. PP specifiers everywhere? Preventing overgeneration --
2.4.4. Compatibility between the ergative and the passive --
2.5. Summary --
3. Prepositional phrases: Establishing the diagnostics --
3.1. PPs have distinct extraction and subextraction properties --
3.2. Restrictions on PPs as pivots of clefts --
3.3. PPs have resumptive proforms and may have special modifiers --
3.4. PPs are less accessible to agreement probes than DPs are --
3.5. PPs and binding --
3.6. PPs and A-movement --
3.7. PPs cannot be at the tail of a control chain --
3.8. Summary --
4. Ergative as a PP: Initial evidence --
4.1. Ergative expressions can be PPs --
4.2. Subextraction out of the ergative expression --
4.3. Extraction: Ergative extraction requires resumption --
4.4. Ergative and agreement --
4.5. Ergative and depictives --
4.6. Ergative and quantifier float --
4.7. Interim summary --
4.7.1. Silent P head --
4.7.2. Overt P head --
4.7.3. nature of the operator --
5. Ergative as a PP: Take two --
5.1. Binding: Reflexives and reciprocals --
5.2. Raising --
5.2.1. No true raising --
5.2.2. Ergative is not preserved under raising --
at least in Tongan --
5.3. Control --
5.4. Summary --
6. Cross-linguistic landscape: Correlates of PP-ergativity --
6.1. Word order correlates --
6.2. Expletive subjects --
6.3. Non-canonical (quirky) subjects --
6.4. Summary --
7. other ergative: A true DP --
7.1. Extraction of the ergative with a gap --
7.2. Subextraction from the ergative and the absolutive --
7.3. Agreement --
7.4. Binding --
7.5. Control and raising --
7.6. Word order --
7.7. By way of summary --
8. relationship between PP-ergativity and DP-ergativity: Phylogeny and ontogeny --
8.1. Diachronic relationship between PP-ergativity and DP-ergativity --
8.2. Caught in transition: Niuean --
8.3. Caught in transition: Adyghe --
8.4. PP-ergatives and DP-ergatives in language acquisition --
8.5. By Way of Conclusion --
9. Alternative accounts of variation across ergative languages --
9.1. Comp-trace versus P-trace --
9.2. Criterial freezing --
9.3. Phase boundaries and high-/low- absolutive languages --
9.4. Non-syntactic explanations for variation across ergative languages --
9.5. Summary --
pt. II Paradigm languages --
10. paradigm PP-ergative language: Tongan --
10.1. Tongan basics --
10.1.1. General remarks --
10.1.2. Predicates --
10.1.3. Case marking --
10.1.4. Word order: Preliminary remarks --
10.1.5. Questions --
10.2. Subject and possessive marking: Clitics --
10.2.1. Subject clitics --
10.2.1.1. Basic facts about clitics --
10.2.1.2. Accounting for Tongan clitics --
10.2.1.3. Clitic doubling --
10.2.2. Possessive clitics and possessive markers --
10.3. Deriving Tongan clause structure --
10.3.1. Word order: Deriving VI --
10.3.2. Word order: The right periphery --
10.3.2.1. definitive accent --
10.3.2.2. VOS is not due to scrambling --
10.3.2.3. VOS as rightward topicalization --
10.3.3. Basic clause structures --
10.3.3.1. Intransitives: Unaccusatives --
10.3.3.2. Intransitives: Unergatives --
10.3.3.3. Transitive clauses --
10.3.4. Tongan ergativity and split ergativity --
10.4. A-bar movement --
10.4.1. Relative clauses --
10.4.2. Wh-questions --
10.4.3. Focus: Exceptive constructions --
10.4.4. Ko-Topicalization --
10.4.5. Interim summary --
10.5. Raising and control --
10.5.1. status of ke-clauses --
10.5.2. "Raising" --
10.5.2.1. Raising-like verbs and their structures --
10.5.2.2. What moves in ke-clauses, and where does it move to? --
10.5.2.3. What is the nature of the operator in ke-clauses? --
10.5.2.4. transparency of finite ke-clauses --
10.5.3. verb lava --
10.5.3.1. Monoclausal structure with lava: Restructuring --
10.5.3.2. Biclausal structures with lava --
10.5.4. Control --
10.5.4.1. Basic facts --
10.5.4.2. No obligatory control --
10.5.4.3. internal syntax of control ke-clauses --
10.5.5. Interim summary --
10.6. Binding --
10.6.1. Anaphoric binding --
10.6.2. Reciprocals? Just pluractionality --
10.6.3. Other binding contexts --
10.7. Summary --
11. paradigm DP-ergative language: Tsez --
11.1. Tsez basics --
11.1.1. Preliminaries --
11.1.2. Unergatives and unaccusatives --
11.1.3. Clauses with two or more arguments --
11.2. Discontinuous noun phrases --
11.3. Non-finite forms --
11.3.1. Infinitival and masdar clauses --
11.3.2. Event nominalizations --
11.4. A-bar movement --
11.5. Raising and control --
11.5.1. Raising --
11.5.2. Complement control --
11.5.2.1. Forward control --
11.5.2.2. Backward control --
11.5.3. Infinitival relative clauses --
11.6. Binding --
11.6.1. Anaphoric binding --
11.6.2. Depictives --
11.7. Interim summary --
11.8. Deriving Tsez clauses --
11.8.1. Two possible analyses --
11.8.1.1. single vP --
11.8.1.2. Layered functional heads in the verb phrase --
11.8.2. Single heads or layered structure: Which analysis is superior? --
11.9. Summary --
12. Taking stock.