Binding Theory (Cambridge Textbooks in Linguistics)

Half-title......Page 3
Series-title......Page 5
Title......Page 7
Copyright......Page 8
Contents......Page 9
Preface......Page 11
1.1.1 Reference, coreference, and indexing......Page 15
1.1.2 The basic data......Page 16
1.1.3 Three types of NPs......Page 17
1.2.1 Reflexive and non-reflexive pronouns......Page 18
1.2.2 Binding and binder......Page 19
1.2.4 C-command......Page 21
1.2.5 Taking stock......Page 24
1.3.1 Against precedence......Page 26
1.3.2 Limitations of C-command......Page 27
1.3.3 Theta-command......Page 30
1.3.4 Obliqueness-command......Page 33
1.4 Reflexive verbs and reflexive phraseologisms......Page 35
2.1 Basics of interpretation......Page 39
2.2.1 Reference and assignments......Page 40
2.2.2 Binding Theory......Page 42
Types and functions......Page 45
Functions and the sets they characterize......Page 47
Compositionality......Page 48
A first inventory of categories and types......Page 49
2.3.2 Truth, truth conditions, and meanings......Page 50
Type-driven interpretation......Page 52
Interpreting flat structures......Page 53
2.4.1 A note on non-C-command anaphora......Page 54
2.4.2 Reflexives as reflexivizers......Page 57
3.1.1 Exceptional case marking (ECM)......Page 60
3.1.2 Infinitival clauses......Page 62
NPs with and without subjects......Page 64
Non-complementary environments......Page 65
3.1.4 PPs as binding domains......Page 68
3.2.1 Subject orientation and anti-subject orientation......Page 72
3.2.2 Logophoricity......Page 74
3.2.3 Towards a formal treatment of logophoricity......Page 77
3.3 Binding domains cross-linguistically......Page 79
The root domain......Page 80
The tense domain......Page 81
The subject domain......Page 82
The coargument domain......Page 83
3.4 Long-distance reflexives (LDRs)......Page 86
3.5.1 Danish and Norwegian......Page 89
3.5.2 Marathi......Page 92
4 Binding versus coreference......Page 95
4.1 Quantified NPs and variable binding......Page 97
4.2.1 The C-command requirement on semantic binding......Page 103
4.2.2 Why QNPs cannot be bound......Page 106
4.3 Wh-expressions......Page 107
4.4 Summary......Page 109
4.5.1 Assignment modification......Page 110
4.5.2 The semantics of quantified NPs......Page 112
4.5.3 Object QNPs......Page 113
4.5.4 Semantic binding in flat structures......Page 116
5.1 Overture......Page 118
5.2 Focus constructions......Page 119
5.3 Double indexing......Page 123
5.4 A new system......Page 124
5.5.1 Strict and sloppy identity......Page 128
5.5.2 Deriving the generalization......Page 130
6.1 The proposal......Page 132
6.2.1 Eliminating codetermination......Page 133
6.2.2 Eliminating Binding Condition C......Page 136
6.2.3 Upshot: BT regards semantic binding only......Page 138
6.3 Binding Theory obviations......Page 140
6.4 Summary: the final system......Page 142
6.5.1 VP ellipsis revisited......Page 144
6.5.2 Indices on referential pronouns......Page 149
6.5.3 More on reflexives......Page 152
7.1.1 Introduction......Page 157
7.1.2 Pronouns as descriptions......Page 158
7.1.3 E-type pronouns of varying arity......Page 163
7.2 Unknown and mistaken identity......Page 165
Constant and non-constant reference......Page 166
Formalization I: definite NPs......Page 167
Formalization II: pronouns......Page 168
7.2.2 Identity statements......Page 169
7.3 Descriptive NPs and indexing......Page 170
Appendix: Indexing problems......Page 172
7.4 Summary......Page 173
7.5 An extension: unexpected sloppy identity......Page 174
8.1.1 Weak crossover in wh-constructions......Page 177
8.1.2 Inverse scope and weak crossover......Page 179
8.2 Blocking weak crossover......Page 180
8.2.1 Filtering accounts......Page 181
8.2.2 A non-filtering account......Page 182
Appendix: Assignments (final)......Page 184
8.2.3 Weakest crossover......Page 185
8.2.4 Strong crossover......Page 186
8.3 A challenge: indirect binding......Page 188
8.3.1 Extraction analyses......Page 189
8.3.2 Accessibility......Page 192
8.3.3 Indirect binding and e-type pronouns......Page 194
8.3.4 Sub-extraction analyses......Page 196
Appendix: How to interpret the NP-adjoined structures......Page 200
9.1 The semantics of plural NPs......Page 202
Some definitions......Page 204
9.2 Anaphoric relations between plural NPs......Page 205
9.3.1 Basics......Page 207
9.3.2 Binding Condition B effects with split antecedents......Page 209
9.3.4 A hypothetical case......Page 211
9.4.1 Asymmetrical overlapping reference......Page 213
9.4.2 Counter-indexing......Page 214
10 Reciprocals......Page 217
10.1.1 Distributivity......Page 218
10.1.2 Dependent plurals......Page 219
10.2.1 Dual reciprocity......Page 220
10.2.2 Reciprocity with pluralities bigger than two......Page 221
10.3.1 Long-distance reciprocals......Page 223
10.3.2 Reciprocals as binders......Page 225
10.4.1 Weak reciprocity......Page 227
Even weaker reciprocities......Page 229
Intermediate reciprocities......Page 231
10.4.3 The strongest meaning hypothesis......Page 233
10.5 Reflexives and reciprocals......Page 234
11.1.1 Complementary and non-complementary positions......Page 236
11.1.2 Exempt anaphors have no structural binding domain......Page 238
11.2 Conditions on exempt anaphora......Page 239
11.3 On the notion of higher coargument......Page 241
11.3.1 Purely syntactic coarguments......Page 242
11.3.2 Prepositional phrases......Page 243
11.3.3 A case study......Page 246
11.3.4 NPs with and without subjects......Page 248
11.4.1 Reflexive marking......Page 249
11.4.2 Reflexive and reciprocal subjects......Page 251
11.4.3 Non-reflexives......Page 253
11.5 Towards a cross-linguistic perspective......Page 256
12.1 Argument movement......Page 258
12.2 Wh-movement......Page 260
12.3.1 NP-structure and connectivity......Page 262
12.3.2 Syntactic reconstruction......Page 264
12.3.3 Semantic reconstruction......Page 265
12.4 An apparent case of binding after wh-movement......Page 268
12.5 A real case of interaction of A-movement and BT?......Page 270
12.6 Binding without binders......Page 274
Bibliography......Page 279
Index......Page 291