Where Semantics meets Pragmatics, Volume 16 (Current Research in the Semantics Pragmatics Interface)

Index......Page 7
Preface......Page 13
(By way of an) Introduction:
A first dialogue on the semantics-pragmatics interface......Page 15
Bibliography......Page 31
1 Implicature, explicature, and propositional content......Page 35
Vertical ! [universals] 
distinction
 in 
QUANTITY
i
[particulars]......Page 37
2 Implicature, polarity licensing, and compositionality......Page 43
3 Exclusivizing disjunction: Scalar implicature at thirty-something......Page 47
4 Semanticization and the upper-bound: the case of most......Page 49
5 Lexicalization asymmetries: *nall et al.......Page 53
(50) SQUARE OF OPPOSITION......Page 55
6 Final dispatch from the front......Page 57
Bibliography......Page 59
1 Introduction*......Page 63
2.1 A new lexical meaning for most......Page 67
2.2 Questionnaire results......Page 71
2.3 An argument from 'wise-guy' interpretations......Page 77
3.1 Truth-compatibility vs. lexical meaning......Page 79
3.2 Truth-compatibility as (partly) pragmatically determined......Page 81
4 Most and the numbers: A potential problem for the circumbounded analysis......Page 85
4.1 A unilateral pattern for most but not for the numbers......Page 87
4.2 Inconsistent "unilateral'V'bilateral" behaviors......Page 89
4.3 Deconstructing the "unilateral" pattern......Page 95
6 Conclusions......Page 101
Bibliography......Page 103
Appendix A......Page 105
PRAGMATICS AND NOMINAL REFERENCE......Page 107
1 Introduction*......Page 109
2.1 Semantically Ambiguous Negation......Page 111
2.2 Pragmatically Ambiguous Negation......Page 113
3 Demonstrating a Presupposition Relation......Page 117
3.2 "Possibly" Test......Page 119
3.3 Denial by Simple Negation
This is not, however, quite what (3)......Page 121
4 The Nature of Presupposition......Page 123
1 Anaphoric reference......Page 125
2 Apparent exceptions to the pronominal reference pattern......Page 131
3 Quantity adverbs......Page 133
4 Type change of entities in discourse......Page 139
5 Conclusion......Page 141
1 Introduction......Page 143
2.1.3 Computational Model......Page 145
2.2 Semantic Definites and Pragmatic Definites......Page 147
3.2.1 Data......Page 149
3.2.3.1 "Lexical" Deflnites......Page 151
3.2.3.2 Schematic Definites......Page 153
3.3.1 A Preliminary Observation......Page 155
3.3.3.1 Sample, Data and Procedure......Page 157
3.3.3.2 Verification of the Sample Text Pool......Page 159
3.3.3.4.2 Extreme Cases......Page 161
3,3.3.4.3 Ontological Categories......Page 163
4 General Discussion......Page 165
5 Conclusions: Where does Semantics meet Pragmatics?......Page 167
Bibliography......Page 169
1 Introduction......Page 171
2.1 Kameyarna 1984......Page 173
2.3 Sells 1987......Page 175
3.3 Ghidini & Giunchiglia 2000,2002......Page 177
3.6 Discussion......Page 179
4.1 Contextual Plausibility in a Context Logic......Page 181
4.2 An Optimality-Based Account......Page 183
Bibliography......Page 185
BARE NOUNS AND GENERICS......Page 187
1 Introduction......Page 189
2 Nouns with general number are not ambiguous......Page 191
3.1 Number neutral nouns across languages......Page 193
3.2 General number and plural marking......Page 195
4 Truth conditions......Page 197
5.2 Two approaches to obligatory narrow scope of bare nouns......Page 199
6 Discourse anaphora......Page 201
7.1 Horn Scales and diagnostics......Page 203
7.2 Applying the diagnostics to Mandarin bare nouns and full DPs......Page 205
7.4 Discussion......Page 207
Bibliography......Page 209
1 Introduction......Page 211
2.1 Basic similarities, and the traditional uniform representation......Page 213
2.2 Reported differences......Page 215
2.3.1 IS sentences express only 'in virtue of generalizations......Page 217
3.1 The intuition: domain vagueness as the reason for tolerance of exceptions......Page 221
3.2 Kadmon and Landman's formalization: A supervaluationist treatment of the
domain vagueness......Page 223
4.1 The first limitation on the vague restriction - 'abnormality'......Page 225
5 Deriving the type of the domain vague restriction from the type of nonaccidentalness
pvnrp««pd hv thp apnprir......Page 229
Unambiguously
'descriptive'
generics            (HIGH)                                                  /                              (HIGH)......Page 233
Bibliography......Page 235
CONTEXT AND QUANTIFICATION
......Page 237
1.1 Anaphoric binding constraints......Page 239
2.1 Duality......Page 241
3.1 Phase quantification ingredients......Page 243
3.4 Long-distance reflexives......Page 245
4 Discussion......Page 247
Bibliography......Page 249
1 The two readings of superlative quantifiers......Page 251
2 The semantics of superlatives......Page 253
3.1 A functional presupposition......Page 257
3.2 The absolute dependent reading......Page 259
4 Context sets and the scope of the comparison......Page 263
5.1 A locality restriction......Page 267
5.2 Quantification and comparison......Page 269
6 Comparative readings in interrogatives......Page 271
8 Conclusion......Page 277
Bibliography......Page 279
1 Introduction......Page 281
1.1 Varieties of QS......Page 283
2 Results of a Data Survey......Page 285
3 Problems for Extraction Approaches......Page 287
4 QS De-Generalized......Page 291
5.1 Universal Determiners and Modes of Processing......Page 293
5.1.1 Linguistic Evidence for Modes of Processing......Page 295
5.2 The Necessity of Integrating A Rich Notion of Discourse Structure......Page 299
6 Formal Semantics......Page 301
7 Information and Coherence in Quantificational Subordination: Some Cases Explained......Page 307
8.1 QS and Information Degradation......Page 309
8.3 Explaining Marginality......Page 311
Acknowledgements......Page 313
Appendix: Survey Materials......Page 315
INFORMATION STRUCTURE AND UNDERSPECIFICATION......Page 319
1 Introduction......Page 321
2 Dynamic Syntax......Page 323
2.1 Left Dislocation......Page 325
2.2 Analysing Basic Noun Phrases......Page 327
2.3 Expletives in Dynamic Syntax......Page 329
3.1 The copula as an expletive......Page 333
3.2 Predicative constructions......Page 335
3.3 Equative Clauses......Page 339
3.4 Specificational Clauses......Page 345
4 Conclusion......Page 347
Bibliography......Page 349
1 Introduction*......Page 351
2 Non-canonical structures I: Conventionalized focus-background agreement......Page 355
4 Universal quantification over alternatives (V)......Page 357
5.1 Basic facts......Page 359
5.3 Negated universal quantification and Mandarin information-structure......Page 361
5.4 Problems with contrastive topics......Page 363
5.5 Jiu and the *«n//-constraint......Page 365
6.2 An asymmetry in the system......Page 367
7.1 Focus semantics and tripartite structures: some candidate mappings......Page 369
7.3 Sorting out universal quantification......Page 371
7.5 Realistic p-sets for the other focus semantic types......Page 373
Table 2: Formation of realistic p-sets for different quantificational types......Page 375
8.2 Two preliminary attempts at a solution......Page 377
8.3 The solution favored here: Main clauses as modal ad-hoc restrictors......Page 379
8.4 The interplay of modality and information-structure......Page 383
8.5 Main clauses as ad-hoc restrictors with other particles......Page 385
9 Non-canonical structures III: Conventionalized main clause modal restrictors......Page 387
10 Conclusions......Page 389
Bibliography......Page 391
Appendix......Page 393
1 Introduction......Page 395
2.1 Topic condition and contrastive topic......Page 397
2.2 Contrastive (predicate) topic, list CTs and kinds of scales......Page 399
2.4 Negative utterances presuppositional or more topical......Page 403
2.6 Scope: Negation wide vs. CT narrow......Page 405
3.1 CT-PA correlation......Page 407
3.2 CF-SN correlation......Page 411
3.3 CF: The primary condition for MN......Page 413
4.1 Where does scalarity come from?......Page 417
4.3 A weak NPI and covert concessive for scalar implicature suspension......Page 419
5.1 Implicature suspension affected by topicality and focality......Page 421
5.2 Predicates weaker than monotone-decreasing suspend implicatures......Page 423
5.3 Are the CT marker and the concessive marker duals?......Page 425
5.4 The exhaustive -man 'only' is scalar as well as logical but unlike -nun (CT) and
-to 'even......Page 429
Bibliography......Page 431
1 Introduction......Page 435
2 The semantics of Means......Page 437
3 The Pragmatics of Means......Page 441
4 Focus Structure......Page 447
5 Discussion of alternative approaches......Page 451
6 Conclusion......Page 453
Bibliography......Page 455
MOOD AND INTENSIONALITY......Page 457
Mood, propositional attitude and metarepresentation in Spanish......Page 459
1.2 Operator licensing......Page 461
2.1 Theoretical background......Page 463
3.1 Volitional predicates......Page 465
Figure 1: Inferential processing of the subjunctive mood......Page 469
3.2 Metarepresentation and factive predicates......Page 471
4 Operator licensing......Page 475
think/believe| see/notice/hear | find out/realise | know......Page 477
5 Concluding remarks......Page 481
Bibliography......Page 483
1 The modality of will: An argument for default interpretations*......Page 485
3.1 Intentionality and the DI principle......Page 487
3.2 The PoL and merger representations......Page 489
4 DRSs as merger representations......Page 493
5.1 The ACC operator......Page 495
5.2 The analysis......Page 497
Figure 5: Expressions of futurity and the strength of intending......Page 501
Bibliography......Page 505
1 Summary......Page 507
3,1 DRT-based Representation of Attitudinal States......Page 509
3.2 Presupposition......Page 515
4.1 The Representation of the First Sentence of (1)......Page 517
4.2 An interpretation for the fA«tf-complement of (l.b)......Page 521
4.3 Preliminary representation of (l.b) and its resolution......Page 525
4.5 Assumptions about the persistence of other agents' beliefs......Page 529
4.6 Implications of the two Persistence Assumptions......Page 533
4.7 Are the Persistence Assumptions really involved?......Page 535
Bibliography......Page 539
Index......Page 541