Topics in the reconstruction and development of Indo-European accent

Title page......Page 1
Foreword......Page 4
Abstract......Page 9
Table of Contents......Page 11
1.1. The reconstruction of PIE stress......Page 15
1.2.1. Earlier treatments......Page 18
1.2.2. The evolution of "brackets-and-edges"......Page 19
1.2.3. Principles and applications of metrical bracket theory......Page 20
1.2.4. Metrical bracket theory and Indo-European......Page 25
1.3. Stress and accent in the IE languages......Page 28
2.1. Introduction:  coexisting systems in Proto-Indo-European grammar......Page 33
2.2.1. Archaic ablauting stems......Page 35
2.2.1.1. Root nouns with alternating stress......Page 38
2.2.1.2. Aerostatic root and suffixed nouns......Page 40
2.2.1.3. Amphikinetic stems......Page 45
2.2.1.4. Proterokinetic stems......Page 51
2.2.1.5. Hysterokinetic stems......Page 57
2.2.2. Thematic steins......Page 60
2.2.3. Collectives......Page 63
2.3.1. Athematic stems......Page 68
2.3.1.1. Root presents and aorists with alternating stress......Page 69
2.3.1.2. Narten presents......Page 72
2.3.1.3. Hysterokinetic alternations:  the optative and nasal-infixed  presents......Page 75
2.3.2. Thematic stems......Page 77
2.3.2.1. Thematized presents and aorists......Page 78
2.3.2.2a. Zero-grade presents in *-y-é/ó-......Page 80
2.3.2.2b. Zero-grade presents in  *-sk'-é/ó-......Page 83
2.3.2.2c. o-grade presents in *-éy-e/o -......Page 85
3.1. Introduction......Page 89
3.2. Was PIE accent preserved in ancient Greek?......Page 90
3.3.1  Exceptions to recessive verbal accent......Page 93
3.3.2. Survivals of lexical accent:  the thematic aorist......Page 97
3.3.3. Survivals of lexical accent:  the aorist passive and the perfect......Page 101
3.4. PIE nominal accentuation in Greek......Page 103
3.4.1. o- and  a:/ε:-stems......Page 104
3.4.2. Consonant- and  semivowel-stems......Page 106
3.5. Implications for the phonological prehistory of Greek......Page 108
3.6. More innovations in Greek nominal accent:  continuity in disguise?......Page 110
4.1. Introduction:  some methodological considerations......Page 115
4.2. Background......Page 117
4.2.1. The evidence......Page 118
4.2.2. The prosodic inventories of Lithuanian and Proto-Slavic......Page 124
4.2.3. Accentual classes and accentual paradigms......Page 134
4.3. "Dybo's Law" and the origin of accented and postaccenting stems......Page 143
4.3.1. Hirt's Law:  Dybo's Law reversed?......Page 144
4.3.2. A restatement of Hirt's Law within the brackets-and-edges  framework......Page 152
4.3.3. Nominal compounds and the rise of accented stems......Page 157
4.4.1. Proto-Baltic or Pre-Lithuanian?......Page 159
4.4.2. The evidence of Old Prussian......Page 160
4.4.3. How did postaccenting nouns become unaccented?......Page 161
5.1. Reconstructing the accentuation of Proto-Slavic nominal inflection......Page 164
5.1.1. Oblique plural and dual endings, and the accentuation of o-stems in Proto-Slavic......Page 168
5.1.2. Unstressability and reanalysis in a-stems......Page 176
5.1.3. Proto-SIavic consonant-stems:  a lack of evidence?......Page 180
5.1.4. Synthesis......Page 182
5.2. Lithuanian, Old Prussian, and Proto-Balto-Slavic nominal accentuation......Page 184
5.3. Conclusions: PIE survival and Balto-Slavic innovation......Page 190
6.1. Introduction: simple thematic presents in (post-)PIE......Page 198
6.2. Extra-Balto-SIavic evidence for the accentuation of the simple and characterized thematic present......Page 200
6.3.1. The evidence......Page 202
6.3.2. A postaccenting thematic vowel in Slavic?......Page 208
6.3.3. The evolution of the alternation in Proto-Slavic and the Slavic languages: evidence for the brackets-and-edges model......Page 210
6.4. Baltic evidence for the alternation?......Page 213
6.5. The PIE origins of the Balto-Slavic postaccenting thematic vowel: athematic verbs and primary endings......Page 215
6.6. The distribution of presents and aorists in Proto-SIavic: an unexpected Indo-European inheritance......Page 223
Conclusion. The importance of theory for  historical  linguistics......Page 242
Bibliography......Page 243