The Syllable in Optimality Theory

Cover......Page 1
Half-title......Page 3
Title......Page 5
Copyright......Page 6
Contents......Page 7
Contributors......Page 9
Preface......Page 11
PART ONE INTRODUCTION......Page 15
1.1. The Central Role of the Syllable in Phonology......Page 17
1.1.1 How OT Sheds Light on the Syllable......Page 18
1.1.2 How the Syllable Sheds Light on OT......Page 22
1.2. Overview of the Content......Page 23
1.2.1 Syllable Structure and Prosodic Structure......Page 24
1.2.2 Nonmoraic Syllables and Syllable Edges......Page 26
1.2.3 Segmental Properties of Syllables......Page 29
1.2.4 How Concrete Is Phonotactics?......Page 32
REFERENCES......Page 33
PART TWO SYLLABLE STRUCTURE AND PROSODIC STRUCTURE......Page 35
2.1. Introduction......Page 37
2.2.1 The Core Cases......Page 40
2.2.2 Variations......Page 44
2.3.1 Introduction......Page 46
2.3.2 Review of Putative Examples......Page 47
2.3.3 A Feeding Duke-of-York Interaction in Bedouin Arabic......Page 49
2.3.3.1 Overview of Traditional Analysis......Page 50
2.3.3.2 The Prosodic Basis of Trisyllabic Deletion......Page 52
2.3.3.3 OT Analysis of Bedouin Arabic......Page 55
2.4. Sympathy and Opacity......Page 59
2.5.1 The Problem......Page 60
2.5.2 The Solution......Page 62
2.6.1 Overview of the Issue......Page 68
2.6.2 Grammatically Conditioned Contrast......Page 72
2.6.3 Phonologically Conditioned Contrast......Page 73
2.6.4 Contrasts in Quantity and Syllabicity......Page 74
2.7. Conclusion......Page 76
APPENDIX: SYMPATHY, CUMULATIVITY, AND HARMONIC ASCENT......Page 77
NOTES......Page 79
REFERENCES......Page 83
3.1. Introduction......Page 91
3.2.1 Data......Page 93
3.2.2 Optimality-Theoretic Analysis......Page 96
3.2.3 Genitive Allomorphy and the Nonmoraic View of Geminates......Page 104
3.3. The Nonmoraic View of Geminates within Optimality Theory......Page 105
3.3.1 Evidence from Leti against the Moraic Representation of Geminates......Page 106
3.3.2 Stress Evidence Against the Moraic Representation of Geminates......Page 108
3.4. Conclusion......Page 110
REFERENCES......Page 111
4.1. Introduction......Page 113
4.2.1 Lengthening and Shortening Patterns......Page 114
4.2.2 Loanword Truncation......Page 115
4.2.3 Zuzya-go Formation......Page 118
4.2.4 Mother–Baby Language......Page 121
4.2.5 Sporadic Lengthenings and Shortenings......Page 123
4.2.6 Emphatic Mimetics......Page 126
4.3.1 Compound Formation......Page 130
4.3.2 Baseball Chanting......Page 131
4 .4. Concluding Remarks......Page 132
NOTES......Page 133
REFERENCES......Page 134
5.1. Introduction......Page 137
5.2. English: Light and Heavy Syllable Nuclei......Page 140
5.3. Mordwin: Preferred and Dispreferred Loci of Stress......Page 142
5.4. Old Church Slavonic: Lowering of Jer Vowels in Strong Positions......Page 144
5.5. Asheninca: The Impact of the Prosodic Word......Page 151
NOTES......Page 154
REFERENCES......Page 156
PART THREE NONMORAIC SYLLABLES AND SYLLABLE EDGES......Page 159
6.1. CV-, VC-, and C-dialects......Page 161
6.2. Semisyllables......Page 166
6.3. Overview of the Analysis......Page 172
6.4. Initial Geminates......Page 178
6.5. Sonority, Syllabicity, and Epenthesis......Page 182
6.6. Opaque Shortening of Medial CVVC......Page 186
NOTES......Page 189
REFERENCES......Page 192
7.1. Introduction......Page 197
7.2. Semisyllables......Page 201
7.3. Georgian Consonant Clusters......Page 202
7.3.1 Harmonic Clusters......Page 203
7.3.2 The Status of [v]......Page 205
7.3.3 Headless Syllables: Nepveu 1994......Page 206
7.3.4 Analysis......Page 207
7.4.1 Data and Previous Analyses......Page 213
7.4.2 Semisyllable Analysis......Page 214
7.5.1 Basic Data......Page 215
7.5.2 Unsyllabified Segments: Bagemihl 1991......Page 216
7.5.3 Semisyllable Analysis......Page 218
7.6. Conclusion......Page 219
7.6.1 Stress and Semisyllables......Page 220
7.6.2 Cross-Linguistic Variation......Page 221
NOTES......Page 223
REFERENCES......Page 224
8 Onsets and Nonmoraic Syllables in German......Page 227
8.1. Syllable Structure......Page 228
8.2.1 Data......Page 231
8.2.2 An OT Analysis......Page 234
8.3.1 Data......Page 236
8.3.2 Optimality-Theoretic Analysis......Page 239
8.4.1 Data......Page 242
8.4.2 OT Analysis......Page 244
8.5. Glottal Stop......Page 246
8.6. Conclusion......Page 247
NOTES......Page 248
REFERENCES......Page 249
9.1. Introduction......Page 252
9.2. Sonority Restrictions at Syllable Contact: Icelandic......Page 254
9.3. Extrasyllabic Consonants in Word-Initial Position: Attic Greek......Page 256
9.4. Syllabification and Epenthesis in Munster Irish......Page 260
9.5. Summary......Page 264
REFERENCES......Page 265
10.1. Introduction......Page 268
10.2. Theoretical Framework......Page 269
10.3. Aligning Edges to Consonants and Vowels......Page 270
10.3.1 ALIGN-R(Phrase, C)......Page 271
10.3.2 ALIGN-R(Phrase, V)......Page 272
10.3.4 ALIGN-R(PW, V)......Page 274
10.4. Toleration of Input: Extrametricality as Alignment......Page 276
10.4.1 ALIGN-R(Sigma, V)......Page 277
10.4.2 COMPLEX......Page 278
10.5. Conclusions......Page 279
NOTES......Page 280
REFERENCES......Page 281
PART FOUR SEGMENTS AND SYLLABLES......Page 283
11.1. Introduction......Page 285
11.2. Coda Conditions as [M&M] Conjunctions......Page 287
11.3.1 Opaque Interactions I: Cluster Simplification and Devoicing......Page 293
11.3. 2 Nonsolutions to Opacity......Page 296
11.3.3 Opacity as a Constraint Conjunction Effect......Page 301
11.3.4 Opaque Interactions II: Spirantization and Devoicing......Page 305
11.4. Conclusion......Page 311
NOTES......Page 312
REFERENCES......Page 315
12.1. Introduction......Page 318
12.2. Frisian......Page 319
12.2.1.1 The Regular Pattern......Page 320
12.2.1.2 Exceptions......Page 322
12.2.2.1 The General Pattern......Page 324
12.2.2.2 Long Consonants and Exceptions within a Morpheme......Page 326
12.2.2.3 Fricatives at the End of a Morpheme......Page 329
12.2.2.4 Fricatives in the Coda and in the Word-Initial Onset......Page 332
12.2.3 Moras......Page 333
12.2.4 Conclusion and Remaining Issues......Page 335
12.3. Other West Germanic Dialects......Page 337
12.3.1 Thurgovian German......Page 338
12.3.2.1 Basic Patterns and Possible Exceptions in Intervocalic Contexts......Page 339
12.3.2.2 The Word-Initial Position......Page 341
12.3.3 Standard Dutch......Page 344
12.4. Conclusions......Page 346
NOTES......Page 347
REFERENCES......Page 349
13.2. The CiV-Generalization......Page 352
13.2.1 Tense and Lax Vowels in Dutch......Page 353
13.2.2 The Data......Page 355
13.2.3 Why the CiV-Generalization Is in Need of Closer Scrutiny......Page 356
13.2.3.1 Sievers’s Law in Dutch......Page 357
13.2.4 Markedness......Page 358
13.3. The Analysis of CiV-Data......Page 359
13.4.1 CiV and the Issue of Tenseness versus Length......Page 364
13.4.2 An Alternative Based on Morpheme Structure Constraints......Page 365
13.5. Conclusion......Page 366
NOTES......Page 367
REFERENCES......Page 368
14.1. Introduction......Page 370
14.2. The Sonority Sequencing Principle and Optimality Theory......Page 372
14.3.The Typology of Obstruent Clusters......Page 376
NOTES......Page 381
REFERENCES......Page 383
PART FIVE HOW CONCRETE IS PHONOTACTICS?......Page 387
15.1. Introduction......Page 389
15.2. Where Syllable-Based Phonotactics Fail......Page 390
15.3. Phonotactic Patterns and Emergent Universals......Page 395
15.3.1 Laryngeal Features......Page 396
15.3.2 Place Features......Page 397
15.3.3 Extensions of Place Distribution......Page 402
15.4. The Nature of Phonotactic Constraints......Page 403
15.5. Phonotactic Constraints in Optimality Theory......Page 407
15.5.1 Constraint Violability......Page 408
15.5.2 Toward a Theory of Markedness......Page 409
NOTES......Page 410
REFERENCES......Page 414
Author Index......Page 419
Languages Index......Page 424
Subject Index......Page 427