The Routledge Handbook of Theoretical and Experimental Sign Language Research

Cover
Endorsement
Half Title
Series Information
Title Page
Copyright Page
Table of contents
Figures
Tables
Contributors
Preface
Editors’ acknowledgments
Notational conventions
Abbreviations of  non-manual markers
Sign language acronyms
1 Sign language phonology: Theoretical perspectives
	1.1 Introduction
	1.2 Basic units and constraints
		1.2.1 Handshape
		1.2.2 Orientation
		1.2.3 Location
		1.2.4 Movement types
		1.2.5 Two-handed signs
	1.3 Signs as single segments
	1.4 What about syllable structure?
	1.5 Rules
		1.5.1 Grammatical phonology and utterance phonology
		1.5.2 Why do sign languages lack a grammatical phonology?
	1.6 Iconicity
		1.6.1 Discrete iconicity and gradual iconicity
		1.6.2 Gradual iconicity
		1.6.3 Incidental discrete iconicity
		1.6.4 Recurrent discrete iconicity
	1.7 Concluding remarks
	Acknowledgments
	Notes
	References
2 Phonological comprehension: Experimental perspectives
	2.1 Introduction
	2.2 Perceptual sign language characteristics
	2.3 Categorical perception
	2.4 Linguistic experience
	2.5 Acquisition perspectives
	2.6 Coarticulatory effects
	2.7 Conclusion
	References
3 Lexical processing in comprehension and production: Experimental perspectives
	3.1 Introduction
	3.2 Deafness, plasticity, and the language network
	3.3 Sign processing
		3.3.1 Signs vs. body movements and gestures
		3.3.2 A few notes about lexical access in comprehension and production
		3.3.3 Lexicality, lexical frequency, and semantic effects in sign comprehension
		3.3.4 Sign production
		3.3.5 Iconicity: the link between meaning and form
	3.4 Processing of lexical signs: sublexical units
		3.4.1 Comprehension
		3.4.2 Production
	3.5 Cross-linguistic influences on sign language processing: bimodal bilingualism
	3.6 Conclusion
	References
4 Prosody: Theoretical and experimental perspectives
	4.1 Introduction
	4.2 Theoretical description
		4.2.1 The prosodic hierarchy
		4.2.2 The syllable and mora
		4.2.3 Prosodic word
		4.2.4 Phonological phrase
		4.2.5 Intonational phrase
		4.2.6 Relationship between syntactic and prosodic structure
	4.3 Experimental studies
		4.3.1 Perception of prosody
		4.3.2 Acquisition
		4.3.3 Emergence of prosodic structure
		4.3.4 Neurolinguistic studies
	4.4 Future directions: the relationship between audio-visual prosody and sign language prosody
	4.5 Summary and conclusion
	Acknowledgments
	Notes
	References
5 Verb agreement: Theoretical perspectives
	5.1 Introduction
	5.2 Properties of agreement in sign languages
		5.2.1 Agreement markers
		5.2.2 Verb classes and agreement
		5.2.3 Agreement auxiliaries
		5.2.4 Non-manual agreement
	5.3 Theoretical analyses
		5.3.1 Thematic approaches
		5.3.2 Syntactic approaches
			5.3.2.1 Foundations of a syntactic approach
			5.3.2.2 Generative syntactic analyses
			5.3.2.3 Clitic analysis
	5.4 Conclusion
	Acknowledgments
	Notes
	References
6 Verb agreement: Experimental perspectives
	6.1 Introduction
	6.2 The acquisition of verb agreement
	6.3 Verb agreement tested with offline methods
		6.3.1 Agreement tested in reaction time studies
		6.3.2 Agreement tested in eye tracking studies
	6.4 Verb agreement tested with online methods
		6.4.1 ERP studies on sign language agreement – a morphosyntactic analysis
		6.4.2 ERP studies on sign language agreement – an alternative analysis
	6.5 Conclusion
	Notes
	References
7 Classifiers: Theoretical perspectives
	7.1 Introduction
	7.2 Typology of classifiers in sign languages
	7.3 Verb root/stem analysis
	7.4 Noun incorporation analysis
	7.5 Analyses in terms of agreement
		7.5.1 Analyses within the framework of Distributed Morphology
			7.5.1.1 Classifiers as agreement markers
			7.5.1.2 Gender agreement
			7.5.1.3 Root compounds
		7.5.2 Agreement analysis and argument structure
			7.5.2.1 Projection of a verbal classifier phrase
			7.5.2.2 Classifiers as heads of functional projections
			7.5.2.3 Transitive-transitive alternation based on instrumental classifiers
			7.5.2.4 Cross-linguistic variation: data from HKSL and TJSL
	7.6 Syntactic structure of classifier predicates is built upon event structure
	7.7 Semantic analyses of classifier predicates
	7.8 Conclusion
	Notes
	References
8 Classifiers: Experimental perspectives
	8.1 Introduction
	8.2 Acquisition of classifiers
		8.2.1 Classifier constructions in L1 acquisition
		8.2.2 L2 acquisition of classifier constructions
	8.3 Gesture and classifier constructions
	8.4 Psycholinguistic studies
	8.5 Neurolinguistic studies
		8.5.1 Studies with brain-damaged participants
		8.5.2 Brain imaging studies
	8.6 Discussion
	8.7 Summary and conclusion
	Notes
	References
9 Aspect: Theoretical and experimental perspectives
	9.1 Theoretical foundations of aspect
		9.1.1 Lexical aspect (Aktionsart/event structure)
		9.1.2 Grammatical aspect
	9.2 Viewpoint aspect in sign languages
		9.2.1 Free aspectual markers
		9.2.2 Bound markers of aspect
	9.3 Event structure and reference time representation in sign languages
		9.3.1 Markers of event structure
		9.3.2 Experimental investigations of aspect and event structure  in sign languages
	9.4 Conclusion
	Acknowledgments
	Notes
	References
10 Determiner phrases: Theoretical perspectives
	10.1 Introduction
	10.2 Building nouns
	10.3 Building… determiner phrases?
		10.3.1 Sign languages and the NP/DP parameter
		10.3.2 The categorial status of pointing signs
	10.4 Word order patterns
	10.5 Possessives
	10.6 Conclusion
	Notes
	References
11 Content interrogatives: Theoretical and experimental perspectives
	11.1 Introduction
	11.2 Theoretical perspectives
		11.2.1 Positions of the interrogative signs and the leftward/rightward controversy
			11.2.1.1 Doubling constructions
			11.2.1.2 Single sentence-initial interrogative signs
			11.2.1.3 Single sentence-final interrogative signs
			11.2.1.4 Role of the non-manual markers
			11.2.1.5 Long-distance extraction of interrogative signs
			11.2.1.6 Sentence-final interrogative signs undergoing focus movement
			11.2.1.7 A linearization account for wh-doubling constructions in Libras
			11.2.1.8 Clefted question analyses
				11.2.1.8.1 Interrogatives with single sentence-final interrogative signs in ASL
				11.2.1.8.2 Wh-Doubling constructions in LIS
			11.2.1.9 ‘No movement’ analysis
			11.2.1.10 Accounts for the contrast between sign and spoken languages
		11.2.2 Question particles as clause-typers
		11.2.3 Form and functions of non-manual marking in  content interrogatives
			11.2.3.1 Markers of the scope of the [+wh] operators
			11.2.3.2 Functions of individual non-manual markers
		11.2.4 Multiple wh-questions
		11.2.5 Embedded content interrogatives
			11.2.5.1 Embedded content interrogatives as complement clauses
			11.2.5.2 Rhetorical questions, wh-clefts, or question-answer clauses?
	11.3 Experimental perspectives
		11.3.1 Acquisition of content interrogatives
		11.3.2 Emergence of content interrogatives in a homesign system
		11.3.3 Emergence of grammatical non-manual markers for content interrogatives in young sign languages
		11.3.4 Processing of content interrogatives
	11.4 Conclusion
	Acknowledgments
	Notes
	References
12 Negation: Theoretical and experimental perspectives
	12.1 Introduction
	12.2 Theoretical perspectives
		12.2.1 Position of negation in the clause structure
			12.2.1.1 The Final-Over-Final Constraint
			12.2.1.2 SOV sign languages in light of the FOFC
			12.2.1.3 SVO sign languages in light of the FOFC
			12.2.1.4 Other distributions of negation in a sentence and the FOFC
		12.2.2 Non-manual markers
		12.2.3 Formal approaches to typological issues
			12.2.3.1 Goodwin (2013): a formal syntactic typology based on  where [+neg] occurs
			12.2.3.2 Pfau (2016): a formal syntactic typology based on feature values
	12.3 Experimental perspectives
		12.3.1 Acquisition of negation by Deaf children learning ASL
		12.3.2 Negation in a homesign system
		12.3.3 Neurolinguistic evidence
	12.4 Conclusion
	Acknowledgments
	Notes
	References
13 Null arguments and ellipsis: Theoretical perspectives
	13.1 Introduction
	13.2 Earlier work on null arguments in sign languages
		13.2.1 Null arguments in spoken languages
		13.2.2 Lillo-Martin (1986) on null arguments in American Sign Language
		13.2.3 Neidle et al. (1996, 2000) on null arguments in American Sign Language
	13.3 VP ellipsis in sign languages
	13.4 The ellipsis analysis of null arguments
	13.5 Conclusion
	Notes
	References
14 Null arguments: Experimental perspectives
	14.1 Introduction
	14.2 Psycholinguistic studies with adults
	14.3 Acquisition studies
		14.3.1 Acquisition of null arguments – syntactic factors (Deaf native signers)
		14.3.2 Null and overt arguments in reference tracking (Deaf and hearing native signers)
		14.3.3 Adult L2 learners
	14.4 Discussion and conclusion
	Notes
	References
15 Relative clauses: Theoretical perspectives
	15.1 Introduction: the cross-linguistic investigation of relative constructions
	15.2 Syntactic typologies of relativization
		15.2.1 Internally-headed relative clauses
			15.2.1.1 Properties of internally-headed relative clauses
			15.2.1.2 Some diagnostic tests for IHRCs
			15.2.1.3 Theoretical accounts of IHRCs
		15.2.2 Externally-headed relative clauses
			15.2.2.1 Properties of externally-headed relative clauses
			15.2.2.2 Some diagnostic tests for EHRCs
			15.2.2.3 Theoretical accounts of EHRCs
		15.2.3 Free relatives
			15.2.3.1 Properties of free relatives
			15.2.3.2 Some diagnostic tests for FRs
			15.2.3.3 Theoretical accounts of FRs
		15.2.4 Correlative clauses
			15.2.4.1 Properties of correlative clauses
			15.2.4.2 Some diagnostic tests for correlatives
			15.2.4.3 Theoretical accounts of correlatives
	15.3 Semantic typologies of relativization
		15.3.1 Restrictive relative clauses
			15.3.1.1 Properties of restrictive relative clauses
			15.3.1.2 Some diagnostic tests for RRCs
			15.3.1.3 Theoretical accounts of RRCs
		15.3.2 Non-restrictive (or appositive) relative clauses
			15.3.2.1 Properties of non-restrictive relative clauses
			15.3.2.2 Some diagnostic tests for NRRCs
			15.3.2.3 Theoretical accounts of NRRCs
	15.4 Topics and relative clauses
	15.5 Conclusions
	Notes
	References
16 Role shift: Theoretical perspectives
	16.1 Introduction
	16.2 Role shift and sentential complementation
	16.3 Attitude and action role shift
	16.4 Non-manual marking and point-of-view operators
	16.5 Context-shifting operators and indexicals
	16.6 Gestural demonstrations
	16.7 Multiple perspectives
	16.8 Conclusion: role shift and modality
	Notes
	References
17 Use of sign space: Experimental perspectives
	17.1 Introduction
	17.2 Overview of the use of space and associated sign types
		17.2.1 Abstract use of space
		17.2.2 Topographic use of space
		17.2.3 Overlap between abstract and topographic use of space
		17.2.4 Analysis of signs that use space meaningfully
	17.3 Research questions and debates arising from the use of space
	17.4 Linguistic processing of referent-location associations
		17.4.1 Co-reference processing
		17.4.2 Processing of topographic vs. abstract use of space
			17.4.2.1 Behavioral evidence
			17.4.2.2 Neuroimaging evidence
		17.4.3 Morphemic vs. analogue processing of location
	17.5 Use of space
		17.5.1 Locative expression
		17.5.2 Signing perspective and viewpoint
	17.6 The acquisition of spatial language in sign languages
	17.7 Spatial language and spatial cognition
	17.8 Conclusion
	Notes
	References
18 Specificity and definiteness: Theoretical perspectives
	18.1 Introduction
	18.2 Manual and non-manual marking
		18.2.1 Lexical determiners and non-manual marking
		18.2.2 Order of signs within the noun phrase
		2.3 Modulations in signing space
	18.3 Types of definiteness and specificity
		18.3.1 Definiteness: familiarity and uniqueness
		18.3.2 Specificity: scope, epistemicity, and partitivity
	18.4 Discussion and concluding remarks
	Notes
	References
19 Quantification: Theoretical perspectives
	19.1 Introduction
	19.2 Lexical quantifiers
		19.2.1 D-quantification
		19.2.2 A-quantification
	19.3 Quantificational morphology
	19.4 Structural aspects of quantification
		19.4.1 Tripartite structures of quantification
		19.4.2 Scopal interactions
		19.4.3 Quantifiers and space
	19.5 Conclusions
	Acknowledgments
	Notes
	References
20 Implicatures: Theoretical and experimental perspectives
	20.1 Formal pragmatics and the theory of implicature
	20.2 Experimental investigations of implicatures
	20.3 Scalar implicatures in the sign modality
	20.4 Scalar implicatures based on conjunction/disjunction in ASL
	20.5 Acquisition of scalar implicatures: theory
	20.6 Scalar implicature and age of first language acquisition: experiment
	20.7 Other implicatures based on modality
	20.8 Conclusions
	References
21 Discourse anaphora: Theoretical perspectives
	21.1 Setting the stage
	21.2 The same system
		21.2.1 Syntax
		21.2.2 Semantics
		21.2.3 Summary: pronouns in sign language and spoken language
	21.3 How is space encoded?
		21.3.1 Variables or features?
		21.3.2 Spatial syncretisms
		21.3.3 Pictorial loci
	21.4 Dynamic semantics
		21.4.1 Background on dynamic semantics
		21.4.2 E-type theories of cross-sentential anaphora
		21.4.3 Sign language contributions
		21.4.4 Dynamic semantics of plurals
	21.5 Conclusion
	Notes
	References
22 Discourse particles: Theoretical perspectives
	22.1 Introduction
	22.2 Discourse regulation
	22.3 Coherence
	22.4 Modal meaning
	22.5 Conclusion
	Notes
	References
23 Logical visibility and iconicity in sign language semantics: Theoretical perspectives
	23.1 Introduction
	23.2 Logical Visibility I: visible variables
		23.2.1 Variable Visibility
		23.2.2 Loci as variables
		23.2.3 Individual, time and world variables
		23.2.4 Variables or features – or both?
	23.3 Logical Visibility II: beyond variables
		23.3.1 Role shift as visible context shift
			23.3.1.1 Basic data
			23.3.1.2 Typology: ‘Mixing of Perspectives’ vs. ‘Shift Together’
			23.3.1.3 Further complexities
		23.3.2 Aspect: visible event decomposition
	23.4 Iconicity I: iconic variables
		23.4.1 Introduction
		23.4.2 Embedded loci: plurals
		23.4.3 High and low loci
	23.5 Iconicity II: beyond variables
		23.5.1 Classifier constructions
		23.5.2 Event visibility or event iconicity?
		23.5.3 Iconic effects in role shift
			23.6.1 Plural pronouns
			23.6.2 High loci
			23.6.3 Role shift20
			23.6.4 Telicity
	23.6 Theoretical directions
	Acknowledgments
	Notes
	References
24 Non-manual markers: Theoretical and experimental perspectives
	24.1 Introduction
		24.1.1 Overview of argumentation and testing claims
		24.1.2 Overview of the chapter
	24.2 Historical development of the treatment of NMMs
		24.2.1 Background on NMM analysis
	24.3 The interaction of syntax, semantics, and prosody
	24.4 Analyses of NMMs that present challenges to prosodic analyses
		24.4.1 Syntactic approaches
		24.4.2 Semantics
			24.4.2.1 An explanation for the alternative spreading domain for brow raise in ASL
			24.4.2.2 Information structure (focus) and marking syntactic derivations with prosody
			24.4.2.3 A closer look at the full variety of head positions and movements
	24.5 Evaluation
	24.6 Experimental perspectives
		24.6.1 Acquisition of NMMs
			24.6.1.1 Earliest use of signs and face
			24.6.1.2 Grammaticalized NMMs for syntactic purposes
		24.6.2 NMMs and sign production
			24.6.2.1 Trying to speak and sign at the same time
			24.6.2.2 Signing rate effects on NMMs
			24.6.2.3 Motion capture of NMM
		24.6.3 Perception of NMMs
			24.6.3.1 Eye-tracking of NMMs
			24.6.3.2 Neural processing of NMMs
	24.7 Summary and conclusion
	Notes
	References
25 Gesture and sign: Theoretical and experimental perspectives
	25.1 Introduction
	25.2 The visual modality in spoken language
		25.2.1 Forms and functions of gestures in language
		25.2.2 Role of gesture in language processing
			25.2.2.1 Production
			25.2.2.2 Comprehension
		25.2.3 Conclusions: gesture
	25.3 Sign language and language modality
		25.3.1 Modality-independent and modality-dependent aspects of  sign languages
			25.3.1.1 Phonology
			25.3.1.2 Morphology and syntax
		25.3.2 Iconic and gestural elements in sign language
			25.3.2.1 Iconicity
			25.3.2.2 Representation of motion events in sign and gesture
	25.4 Sign language, gesture, and the brain
		25.4.1 Brain activation during language processing
		25.4.2 Atypical signers
		25.4.3 Gesture and sign processing contrasted: brain studies
	25.5 Conclusions: sign language
	Notes
	References
26 Information structure: Theoretical perspectives
	26.1 Introduction
	26.2 Information structure: description and formalization
		26.2.1 Strategies for topic marking
		26.2.2 Strategies for focus marking
		26.2.3 Information structure and the left periphery
	26.3 Information structure in the visual-gestural modality: new directions
		26.3.1 Focus and prominence
		26.3.2 Contrast
		26.3.3 Question-answer pairs
		26.3.4 Doubling
		26.3.5 Buoys and related strategies
	26.4 Experimental research
	26.5 Conclusions
	Notes
	References
27 Bimodal bilingual grammars: Theoretical and experimental perspectives
	27.1 Introduction
	27.2 Definitions: bilinguals and bimodal bilinguals
	27.3 Development3
		27.3.1 Separation
		27.3.2 Cross-linguistic influence: the BiBiBi project
	27.4 Simultaneity and blending
		27.4.1 Cross-language activation: experiments
		27.4.2 Code-blending
			27.4.2.1 Classifications
			27.4.2.2 Correlations
			27.4.2.3 When does blending occur: the Language Synthesis model and beyond
	27.5 Conclusion
	Notes
	References
28 Language emergence: Theoretical and empirical perspectives
	28.1 Introduction
	28.2 Theoretical accounts
		28.2.1 Structure from the mind/biology
		28.2.2 Structure from cultural processes
		28.2.3 Structure from acquisition processes
	28.3 Experimental evidence
		28.3.1 Child learners and adult learners are different: evidence from artificial language learning in the laboratory
		28.3.2 From a pidgin to a creole through language acquisition processes
		28.3.3 When the output surpasses the input: evidence for child learning mechanisms
		28.3.4 Language creation by child isolates: the case of homesign
		28.3.5 Structure from human cognition: gestural language creation in the laboratory
		28.3.6 Intergenerational transmission introduces structure
		28.3.7 Emerging sign languages: NSL and ABSL
			28.3.7.1 Word order in ABSL
			28.3.7.2 Word order in NSL
			28.3.7.3 Word order in gestural language creation
			28.3.7.4 Discussion: is one word order the default?
		28.3.8 Spatial agreement/morphology
			28.3.8.1 Spatial agreement/morphology in ABSL
			28.3.8.2 Spatial agreement/morphology in NSL
			28.3.8.3 Discussion
		28.3.9 Summary of ABSL and NSL and future directions
	28.4 Conclusion
	Acknowledgments
	Notes
	References
29 Working memory in signers: Experimental perspectives
	29.1 Introduction
	29.2 The architecture of phonological STM for a visuospatial language
	29.3 Modality effects in phonological STM
		29.3.1 Evidence from serial recall tasks
		29.3.2 The role of recall direction
		29.3.3 Different stages of STM processing: encoding, rehearsal, and recall
		29.3.4 The role of serial maintenance
	29.4 Evidence from other linguistic and symbolic WM measures
	29.5 Modality effects in visuospatial WM?
	29.6 Beyond modality-specific storage and recall
	29.7 So where does this leave the experimental study of WM in signers?
		29.7.1 Participant considerations
		29.7.2 Task considerations
		29.7.3 The role of WM in sign language processing
	29.8 Conclusion
	Acknowledgments
	References
Index