The Phonology of Tone and Intonation (Research Surveys in Linguistics)

Cover......Page 1
Half-title......Page 3
Series-title......Page 4
Title......Page 5
Copyright......Page 6
Dedication......Page 7
Contents......Page 9
Figures......Page 13
Map......Page 16
Tables......Page 17
Preface......Page 19
Acknowledgements......Page 22
Abbreviations......Page 24
Symbols......Page 26
1.2 Frequency of vocal fold vibration, fundamental frequency (F0), and pitch......Page 27
1.3 Pitch tracks......Page 29
1.4.1 Tracking errors......Page 31
1.4.2 Consonantal effects on F......Page 33
1.4.3 Vocalic effects on F......Page 34
1.4.4 End-of utterance effects......Page 35
1.5 Experimentation......Page 36
Notes......Page 37
2.2 Stress......Page 38
2.2.1 The phonetic correlates of stress......Page 40
2.2.2 Phonological effects......Page 41
2.2.3 The role of fundamental frequency......Page 43
2.2.4 ‘Degrees’ of stress in English......Page 45
2.3 Intonation......Page 48
Notes......Page 50
3.2 Tone languages......Page 52
3.3 Autosegmental representations of tone......Page 54
3.3.1 The Tone Bearing Unit......Page 55
3.3.2 Word melodies......Page 56
3.3.3 Obligatory Contour Principle......Page 58
3.3.4 Tone contrasts......Page 59
3.3.5 Toneless and tonal morphemes......Page 60
3.3.6 Empty TBUs......Page 61
3.5 Accent......Page 62
3.5.1 Assigning and deleting accent......Page 63
3.5.2 Accent without a subgroup of unaccented words......Page 65
3.5.3 On the prominence of accent......Page 66
3.5.4 Is there a class of ‘accent languages’?......Page 67
3.6 Tonogenesis......Page 68
3.6.1 Propagation of tone within and across languages......Page 69
3.6.3 Tonal or non-tonal?......Page 71
3.7 Conclusion......Page 73
Notes......Page 74
4.1 Introduction......Page 75
4.2 Intonation and the design features of language......Page 76
Lack of discreteness......Page 77
Lack of duality......Page 78
Arbitrary form–function relations......Page 79
Discretely different intonation contours......Page 80
4.3 A half-tamed savage......Page 83
4.3.1 Intonation as structure......Page 84
4.3.2 Phonetic implementation......Page 85
4.3.3 Phonetic implementation or phonological representation?......Page 86
4.4.1 The imitation task......Page 88
4.4.2 The pitch-range task......Page 89
4.4.4 The categorical perception task......Page 92
4.5 Conclusion......Page 95
Notes......Page 96
5.1 Introduction......Page 97
5.3.1 Social aspirations......Page 98
Contrast enhancement......Page 99
Contrast preservation......Page 100
5.3.3 Automatic or controlled?......Page 101
5.4 Pitch register and pitch span......Page 102
5.4.1 Control of pitch range......Page 103
5.5 Biological codes in pitch variation......Page 105
5.6 The Frequency Code......Page 106
5.6.1 Affective interpretations of the Frequency Code......Page 107
5.6.2 Informational interpretations of the Frequency Code......Page 108
Grammaticalizations......Page 109
5.7.1 An informational interpretation of the Effort Code......Page 111
Grammaticalization: focus......Page 112
Grammaticalization......Page 114
5.8.1 Descending slope......Page 115
5.9 Substitute phonetic features......Page 116
5.10 Language-specific universal meaning?......Page 118
5.11 Conclusion......Page 119
Notes......Page 122
6.1 Introduction......Page 123
6.2 Declination......Page 124
6.3 Downstep......Page 126
6.3.1 Automatic and non-automatic downstep......Page 127
6.3.2 Independent evidence for floating L......Page 128
6.3.4 On the status of a downstepped tone......Page 130
6.3.5 Total downstep......Page 131
6.3.6 Morphological triggers of downstep......Page 132
6.3.7 H-raising (upstep)......Page 134
6.4 Final lowering......Page 136
6.4.1 On ‘preplanning’......Page 137
6.4.2 Grammaticalization of final lowering......Page 138
6.5.1 Interpreting high beginnings......Page 139
6.6.1 Phonological gradience?......Page 142
6.6.2 Perceived declination and the reference line......Page 144
6.6.3 Measuring declination......Page 145
6.7 Conclusion......Page 147
Notes......Page 148
7.1 Introduction......Page 149
7.2.1 Autosegmental-Metrical representation......Page 151
7.2.2 Pitch accents and boundary tones......Page 152
7.2.4 Targets and interpolations......Page 154
7.2.5 Lexical and intonational tones in a single tier......Page 155
7.2.7 The 1986 model......Page 156
7.2.8 ToBI......Page 158
7.3.1 Pitch accents......Page 159
7.3.2 Boundary tones......Page 161
7.3.3 Secondary association......Page 164
7.3.4 Phrase accent......Page 165
7.4 Rhythmic adjustments of pitch-accent distribution......Page 167
Notes......Page 168
8.1 Introduction......Page 169
8.2 Gen, Eval, and Con......Page 170
8.3 OT and the tonal representation......Page 171
8.3.2 Faithfulness......Page 172
8.3.3 Association......Page 174
8.3.4 Alignment......Page 176
8.3.5 Violating CONCATENATE......Page 178
8.3.6 Simultaneous satisfaction of opposite alignments......Page 179
8.4 Positional effects......Page 183
8.5 OT and prosodic phrasing......Page 185
8.5.1 Interacting factors in prosodic phrasing......Page 186
8.5.2 Three issues in the Selkirk–Truckenbrodt account......Page 189
8.6 Conclusion......Page 193
Notes......Page 194
9.1 Introduction......Page 196
9.2 Lexical representations......Page 197
9.3 The Accentual Phrase......Page 198
9.3.2 Lexical accent in alpha......Page 199
9.3.3 The pronunciation of Lalpha Halpha......Page 200
9.4 Unaccented alpha without default H*L......Page 201
9.5 The Intermediate Phrase......Page 202
9.5.1 Downstep......Page 203
9.5.2 Subordinated alpha......Page 204
9.6 The construction of ip......Page 205
9.7.1 Presentational focus......Page 206
9.7.2 Corrective focus......Page 207
9.8 Conclusion......Page 209
Notes......Page 210
10.1 Introduction......Page 211
10.3 The alpha......Page 212
10.4 The tonal structure of Utterances with one alpha......Page 213
10.5.2 L…......Page 215
10.5.3 The alpha-final accent......Page 216
10.5.4 Loss of …-final accent......Page 217
10.6 An OT analysis of the tonal structure......Page 218
10.6.1 NoRise......Page 221
10.7 More than one alpha: secondary association and interpolation......Page 223
10.8 The Intermediate Phrase......Page 225
10.9 The Utterance: L… and H…......Page 227
10.10.1 The left edge of the focus constituent......Page 230
10.10.2 The right edge of the focus constituent......Page 231
10.11 Conclusion......Page 232
Notes......Page 233
11.1 Introduction......Page 235
11.2 Stockholm Swedish......Page 236
11.2.1 Focus......Page 238
Timing of targets......Page 239
11.2.2 Compounds......Page 240
11.3 An OT analysis of Swedish tone......Page 242
11.4.1 Lexical tone......Page 243
11.4.2 The intonational tones......Page 245
11.4.3 Norwegian focus......Page 247
11.5 An argument for prelinking......Page 248
11.6.1 Stød......Page 249
11.6.2 The intonational pitch accent in Danish......Page 250
Notes......Page 252
12.1 Introduction......Page 254
12.2 Tonogenesis......Page 256
12.3 The first stage......Page 258
12.4 Improving the interrogative contrast......Page 261
12.4.1 Final interrogatives......Page 262
12.4.2 Non-final interrogatives......Page 263
12.4.3 The rise of NORISE......Page 264
12.4.4 NORISE is Iota-final syllables......Page 266
12.5 Improving the contrast in lota-final declaratives......Page 267
12.6 Outside the focus......Page 269
12.7 Other reinterpretations......Page 270
12.7.1 Tongeren delay......Page 271
12.7.3 Venlo’s lota-final interrogatives......Page 273
12.8 Conclusion......Page 275
Notes......Page 277
13.1 Introduction......Page 279
13.2 Prosodic phrasing......Page 280
13.2.1 Basic patterns......Page 281
13.2.2 ω-final accents......Page 284
13.2.4 Variation in medial accents......Page 286
13.2.5 Variation in φ-structure......Page 289
13.2.7 Phrasing: Summary......Page 291
13.3 The tonal analysis......Page 292
13.3.1 Downstep......Page 293
13.3.2 Cliché mélodique......Page 296
13.3.3 Violating NOCLASH......Page 297
13.3.4 Summary of the tonal grammar......Page 298
Notes......Page 299
14.1 Introduction......Page 300
14.2 The distribution of pitch accents......Page 301
14.2.1 Deaccentuation in the lexicon......Page 302
14.3 Postlexical rhythm: φ-structure......Page 304
14.3.1 Bracketing effects......Page 306
14.3.2 Why postlexical cyclicity does not work......Page 308
14.3.3 Procliticized φs......Page 311
14.3.4 Focus and φ......Page 312
14.4.1 VP-Internal lota-boundaries......Page 313
14.4.2 Introducing size constraints......Page 315
14.4.3 Incorporated and encliticized lotas......Page 316
14.5 Between the φ and the lota......Page 318
14.5.1 Focus and lota......Page 319
Notes......Page 320
15.2.1 The fall, the fall–rise, the high rise, and the low rise......Page 322
15.2.2 The high level, the half-completed rise, and the half-completed fall......Page 325
15.2.3 The low low rise, scathing intonation, and the low level......Page 326
15.2.4 NoSlump......Page 327
15.3 Pre-nuclear pitch accents......Page 328
15.4 Onsets......Page 330
15.5.1 Pre-nuclear fall-rise......Page 331
15.5.2 Delay......Page 332
15.5.3 Downstep......Page 333
15.5.4 Leading H......Page 336
15.6 The vocative chant......Page 339
15.7 Tone Copy......Page 341
15.8 Some comparisons with Pierrehumbert and Beckman’s analysis......Page 342
15.9 Conclusion......Page 345
Notes......Page 346
References......Page 347
Index......Page 371