The Oxford Handbook Of Experimental Semantics And Pragmatics

COVER......Page 1
THE OXFORD HANDBOOK OF EXPERIMENTAL SEMANTICS AND PRAGMATICS......Page 4
COPYRIGHT......Page 5
CONTENTS......Page 6
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS......Page 9
Figures......Page 10
Tables......Page 11
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS......Page 12
THE CONTRIBUTORS......Page 14
CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION......Page 24
CHAPTER 2: LANGUAGES COMPREHENSION, INFERENCE, AND ALTERNATIVES......Page 30
2.1 THE STUDY OF INFERENCE IN LANGUAGE COMPREHENSION......Page 32
2.2 DEVELOPMENTAL EVIDENCE: SUCCECCES AND 'FAILURES'......Page 34
2.3 SCALAR IMPLICATURE......Page 35
2.4 QUANTIFIER SPREADING......Page 39
2.5 AN ALTERNATIVE......Page 40
2.6 CONCLUDING REMARKS......Page 43
3.1 THE PROBLEM......Page 44
3.2 CONSTRAINT-BASED APPROACHES TO LANGUAGE......Page 45
3.4 CONSTRAINT-BASED APPROACHES TO PRAGMATICS......Page 46
3.5.1 Question Under Discussion......Page 48
3.5.2 World knowledge......Page 49
3.5.4 Properties of the speaker......Page 50
3.6.1 What’s wrong with informational privilege accounts?......Page 51
3.6.2 Beyond informational privilege accounts......Page 53
3.7.1 Perspective-taking......Page 55
3.7.3 Learning: Adaptation, generalization, and speaker-specificity......Page 56
3.8 INFORMATION INTERGATION......Page 57
3.9 QUO VADIS, CONSTRAINT-BASED PRAGMATICS?......Page 59
3.10 CONCLUSION......Page 61
4.1.2 Pragmatics, communication, and a Gricean system......Page 62
4.2.1 Domain of inquiry......Page 64
4.2.2 Scalars as Gricean phenomena?......Page 67
4.3.1 Default implicatures: A testable proposal about the language-pragmatics interface......Page 69
4.3.2 Counting the cost of scalar implicatures......Page 71
4.3.3 Experimental research on potential scalars......Page 74
4.4 HOW A GRICEAN SYSTEM MIGHT INTEGRATE LINGUISTIC AND NON-LINGUISTIC FUNCTIONS INTO UTTERANCE INTERPRETATION......Page 76
4.4.1.1 The integration of a Gricean System in online utterance processing......Page 77
4.4.1.2 Literal first in scalar processing?......Page 78
4.4.1.3 ERP studies on the time course of scalar implicature......Page 81
4.4.2 Beyond time course studies......Page 82
4.5 CONCLUSION—BACK TO THE ORIGINS OF A GRICEAN SYSTEM......Page 83
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS......Page 84
5.2 DECOMPOSITION AND EVENT STRUCTURE......Page 85
5.3 THE MANNER AND RESULT OF EVENTS IN THE ENCODING OF VERBAL ROOTS......Page 87
5.4 THE TEMPORAL BOUNDARIES OF EVENTS AND THE ENCODING OF VERB PHRASES......Page 93
5.5 PARTICIPANTS IN EVENTS AND THE (IMPLICIT) ENCODING OF ARGUMENTS......Page 99
5.6 SUMMARY......Page 104
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS......Page 105
6.1 CURRENT ISSUES IN PRESUPPOSITION THEORY......Page 106
6.1.1 Basic phenomena......Page 107
6.1.2 Semantics vs. pragmatics and explanatory challenges......Page 109
6.1.2.1 The triggering problem......Page 110
6.1.2.2 The projection problem......Page 111
6.1.3 Distinguishing types of presupposition triggers......Page 114
6.2 PRESUPPOSITION INTERPRETATION IN EXPERIMENTAL TASKS......Page 115
6.2.1 Detecting presuppositions experimentally......Page 116
6.2.2 Reflexes of the status of presuppositions......Page 118
6.2.3 ‘Novel’ presuppositions: To ignore, accommodate, or cancel?......Page 120
6.2.4 The time-course of presupposition interpretation......Page 123
6.2.5 Interim summary......Page 124
6.3.1.1 Projection from the scope of quantifiers......Page 125
6.3.1.2 Projection from sentential operators......Page 126
6.3.2 Local readings......Page 127
6.3.3.1 Soft vs. hard triggers and local accommodation......Page 128
6.3.3.2 Local readings reconsidered: Entailment vs. local accommodation......Page 130
6.3.4 Summary on embedded triggers......Page 132
6.4.1 Resolving presuppositions in the discourse context......Page 133
6.4.2 Factives, prosody, and discourse......Page 134
6.4.3 Obligatory triggers......Page 135
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS......Page 136
7.2 LOCATION TERMS......Page 137
7.3 MOTION TERMS......Page 139
7.4 FRAMES OF REFERENCE TERMS......Page 141
7.5 DOES SPATIAL LANGUAGE AFFECT SPATIAL COGNITION?......Page 143
7.6 CONCLUDING REMARKS......Page 145
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT......Page 146
8.1 HOW ARE COUNTERFACTUAL SITUATIONS ESTABLISHED?......Page 147
8.2 COUNTERFACTUAL REASONING PATTERNS......Page 148
8.3.1 Mental spaces......Page 150
8.3.2 Situation models......Page 151
8.3.3 Mental models......Page 153
8.4 EMPIRICAL EVIDENCE FOR MULTIPLE REPRESENTATIONS OF COUNTERFACTUALS......Page 154
8.4.1 Evidence for rapid access to the explicit counterfactual world......Page 155
8.4.2 Evidence for rapid access to the implied factual world......Page 158
8.4.3 Both worlds are represented simultaneously......Page 159
8.5 COUNTERFACTUAL THINKING AND SOCIAL COGNITION......Page 162
8.6 SUMMARY......Page 164
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT......Page 165
9.1 INTRODUCTION TO DISTRIBUTIVITY......Page 166
9.2 LEXICALLY-ENCODED DISTRIBUTIVITY......Page 167
9.3 DEVELOPMENT OF THE UNDERSTANDING OF THE DISTRIBUTIVITY OF EACH......Page 169
9.4 REAL-TIME BEHAVIOURAL MEASURES OF DISTRIBUTIVITY AND EACH......Page 175
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT......Page 178
10.1 INTRODUCTION......Page 179
10.2.1 Main definitions and facts......Page 180
10.2.2.1 Temporal unboundedness......Page 181
10.2.2.4 Resistance to contextual restriction......Page 182
10.2.2.5 Exception tolerance......Page 183
10.3 ACCOUNTS OF GENERICITY......Page 184
10.3.1.2 The modal approach, aka the received view: Krifka et al. ()......Page 185
10.3.1.3 The probabilistic approach: Cohen......Page 186
10.3.2.1 The Generics-as-Default view......Page 187
10.4 EXPERIMENTAL APPROACHES TO GENERICITY......Page 189
10.4.1.1 Off-line methods: Adult judgement data......Page 190
10.4.1.2 Online methods: Real-time processing and processing in the brain......Page 194
10.4.2.1 Typical adult populations......Page 196
10.4.2.2 Bilingual and second language adult acquisition......Page 197
10.5 REFLECTION ON THE EXPERIMENTAL LITERATURE ON GENERICITY......Page 198
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS......Page 200
11.1 INTRODUCTION......Page 201
11.2.1 Experimental support for the semantic account and the class A/B distinction......Page 204
11.2.2 Evidence for a pragmatic account......Page 205
11.2.3 (More) direct investigations of ignorance inferences......Page 207
11.3 VARIATION/DISTRIBUTIVITY EFFECTS......Page 212
11.4.1 Probing pragmatics......Page 215
11.4.2 The comparative–superlative (A–B) distinction revisited......Page 216
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS......Page 217
12.1 NEGATION PROCESSING: THE EXTRA EFFORT AND THE ROLE OF THE POSITIVE ARGUMENT......Page 218
12.2 THE REPRESENTATION OF THE POSITIVE ARGUMENT: WHEN IT HAPPENS AND WHEN IT DOESN'T......Page 220
12.3 NEGATION IS NOT DIFFICULOT WITH CONTEXT......Page 222
12.4 NEGATION HAS RICH PRAGMATIC EFFECTS......Page 224
12.5.1 Rejection accounts......Page 225
12.5.2 Contextual approach......Page 227
12.5.3 Dynamic pragmatic account......Page 228
12.5.4 Evaluating theories of negation processing against empirical findings......Page 229
12.6 CONCLUSION......Page 230
13.1 INTRODUCTION......Page 231
13.2.1 The implicature approach and its predictions......Page 232
13.2.2.1 Sauerland et al. (2005)......Page 234
13.2.2.2 Pearson et al. (2011)......Page 236
13.2.2.3 Tieu et al. (2014, 2015, 2017)......Page 237
13.2.2.4 Patson (2016)......Page 239
13.3 AMBIGUITY-BASED APPROACHES AND THEIR PREDICTIONS......Page 240
13.3.1 Farkas & De Swart (2010)......Page 241
13.3.2 Grimm (2013)......Page 242
13.4.1 Sensitivity to monotonicity......Page 244
13.4.2 Suspension and context-dependence......Page 245
13.4.3 Children’s development of plural meanings......Page 246
13.5 CONCLUDING REMARKS......Page 249
14.1 INTRODUCTION: WHAT IS QUANTIFIER SCOPE?......Page 251
14.2 FACTORS INFLUENCING THE GRAMMAR AND PROCESSING OD QUANTIFIER SCOPE......Page 252
14.3 THE DIFFICULTY OF PROCESSING INVERSE SCOPE: IMPIRICAL FINDINGS......Page 254
14.4.1 Underspecification theories vs. hierarchy-based accounts......Page 261
14.4.2 Cost of inverse scope as scope revision......Page 263
14.4.2.1 Logical form revision......Page 264
14.4.2.2 Discourse model revision......Page 265
14.4.3 Distinguishing between logical form and discourse-model theories......Page 266
14.5 CONCLUSION: BRINGING IT ALL TOGETHER......Page 267
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS......Page 268
CHAPTER 15: QUANTIFIER SPREADING......Page 269
15.1 INITIAL DESCRIPTIONS OF ERRORS WITH UNIVERSAL QUANTIFIERS......Page 270
15.2 LOGICAL ERRORS IN SYLLOGISTIC REASONING......Page 273
15.4 DISTINGUISHING THE MEANINGS OF ALL AND EACH......Page 276
15.5 THE EVENT QUANTIFICATION HYPOTHESIS AND RELATED SYNTACTIC ACCOUNTS OF QUANTIFIER SPREADING......Page 279
15.6 CHILDREN'S ERRORS MAY REFLECT TASK DEMANDS, NOT FAULTY GRAMMAR......Page 282
15.7 EYE-TRACKING STUDIES OF QUANTIFIER SPREADING......Page 283
15.8 CONCLUSION......Page 284
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS......Page 285
16.1 INTRODUCTION......Page 286
16.2.1 Scale structure and the absolute/relative distinction......Page 287
16.3 GOING BEYONG INTUITIONS......Page 290
16.3.1 Relative gradable adjectives and context-dependence......Page 291
16.3.2 The logic of vagueness......Page 294
16.4.1 Ordering Subjectivity......Page 298
16.4.2 Adjectives and implicature......Page 299
16.5 NOTES ON METHODOLOGY......Page 302
16.5.2 Task......Page 303
16.6 CONCLUSIONS......Page 304
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS......Page 305
CHAPTER 17: IRONIC UTTERANCES......Page 306
17.1 GRICE: BRINGING AN ATTITUDE......Page 307
17.2 THE PSYCHOLINGUISTIC APPROACH TO IRONY......Page 309
17.2.2 Graded salience......Page 311
17.2.4 Interim conclusions......Page 312
17.3 THEORY OF MIND......Page 313
17.4 REINTRODUCING THEORY OF MIND TO LANGUAGE PROCESSING......Page 314
17.5 RECONCILING THEORETICAL PRAGMATIC APPROACHES WITH PSYCHOLINGUISTIC METHODS: DOING EXPERIMENTAL PRAGMATICS......Page 315
17.5.1 Links between Theory of Mind and irony processing?......Page 316
17.6 CONCLUSIONS......Page 319
18.1 INTRODUCTION......Page 321
18.2.1 Theoretical approaches to metaphor......Page 322
18.2.2 Literal first hypothesis......Page 323
18.2.3 What place for the literal meaning?......Page 324
18.3.1 Class-inclusion model......Page 326
18.3.3 Aptness and conventionality......Page 327
18.4.1 Are all metaphors processed in the same way?......Page 330
18.4.2 Metaphors vs. other tropes......Page 332
18.5.1 How early do children understand metaphors?......Page 335
18.5.2 Which factors influence children’s understanding of metaphors?......Page 336
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS......Page 338
19.1 TYPES AND FUNCTIONS......Page 339
19.2.1 One word, multiple meanings......Page 341
19.2.2 One word, multiple senses......Page 343
19.3 MULTIPLE SENSES VS. EXTENDED SENSES......Page 344
19.4 TOWARDS AN ACCOUNT OF MEANING CONSTITUTION......Page 347
19.5 METONYMY AND LANGUAGE ACQUISITION......Page 351
19.6 METONYMY AND LANGUAGES DEFICITS......Page 352
19.7 FUTURE DIRECTIONS......Page 353
20.1 INTRODUCTION......Page 354
20.2 THEORIES OF VAGUENESS......Page 355
20.2.1 Valency two: Epistemicism......Page 356
20.2.2.1 Super-/subvaluationism......Page 357
20.2.2.2 Strict/tolerant evaluation......Page 360
20.2.3 Valency greater than three: Fuzzy logic......Page 362
20.3 EXPERIMENTAL RESEARCH ON THE BORDERLINE......Page 364
20.4 BEYOND BORDERLINE CONTRADICTIONS......Page 372
20.4.1 Imprecision and a typology of vagueness......Page 373
20.4.2 Round numbers......Page 374
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT......Page 376
21.1 INTRODUCTION......Page 377
21.2.1 Mapping verbal probabilities onto a numerical probability space......Page 378
21.2.1.2 Numerical intervals......Page 379
21.2.1.3 Membership functions......Page 381
21.2.2 Mapping verbal probabilities onto an outcome distribution space......Page 382
21.3 OVERVIEW OF FINDINGS......Page 383
21.3.1 Key results on numerical interpretation......Page 384
21.3.2 Directionality......Page 388
21.3.3 Continuous outcomes......Page 390
21.4 CONCLUSION......Page 391
CHAPTER 22: WORD SENSES......Page 392
22.1 THE STRUCTURE OF LEXICAL FLEXIBILITY......Page 393
22.1.1 Explaining patterns of flexibility......Page 394
22.1.2 Explaining generalization......Page 396
22.2 LEXICAL REPRESENTATION OF WORD SENSES......Page 398
22.3 WHY DO WORDS HAVE DISTINCT SENSES?......Page 402
22.3.1 Functional pressures and lexical flexibility......Page 403
22.3.2 Mechanisms and constraints for learning senses......Page 406
22.4 CONCLUSION......Page 408
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS......Page 409
23.1 INTRODUCTION TO THE PHENOMENON......Page 410
23.2.1 Evidence for QR in child grammar......Page 414
23.2.2 Evidence for the landing site of QR in child grammar......Page 416
23.2.3 Evidence for multiple landing sites for QR in child grammar......Page 417
23.3.1 ACD as evidence against clause-boundedness of QR......Page 419
23.3.2 ACD and possible evidence for theoretical frameworks......Page 421
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT......Page 423
24.1 INTRODUCTION......Page 424
24.2.1 At-issue content......Page 427
24.2.2 Conversational implicature......Page 428
24.2.3 Presupposed exhaustivity......Page 429
24.2.4 Indirect exhaustivity......Page 431
24.3 EXPERIMENTAL EVIDENCE......Page 433
24.4 DISCUSSION......Page 436
24.5 CONCLUSION......Page 439
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS......Page 440
CHAPTER 25: FOCUS......Page 441
25.1 ATTENTION, MENORY, AND DEPTH OF PROCESSING......Page 442
25.2 FOCUS AND SYNTACTIC AMBIGUITY RESOLUTION......Page 446
25.3.1 Focus as cue to discourse structure......Page 448
25.3.2 Anaphoric dependencies......Page 450
25.3.3 Focus and reference resolution in visual displays......Page 451
25.3.4 Inferring implicit alternatives......Page 453
25.4.1 Conflicting cues to focus......Page 455
25.4.2 Cues to focus projection......Page 456
25.5.1 Different focus operators......Page 457
25.5.3 Cross-linguistic variation......Page 458
26.1 INTRODUCTION: WHAT IS AN NPI?......Page 459
26.2.1 Downward entailment......Page 460
26.2.2 Non-veridicality......Page 462
26.2.4 Summary......Page 463
26.3.1 Basic sensitivity to the licensing condition......Page 464
26.3.2 Illusory licensing effect......Page 468
26.4 ACQUIRING NEGATIVE POLARITY ITEMS......Page 470
26.4.1 Children’s knowledge about NPI licensing......Page 471
26.4.2 What is in the input?......Page 472
26.4.3 Summary......Page 473
26.5 CONCLUSIONS AND FUTURE DIRECTIONS......Page 474
CHAPTER 27: PRONOUNS......Page 475
27.1.1 Does syntax matter?......Page 477
27.1.2 Does thematic role matter?......Page 478
27.1.3 Does distance matter?......Page 480
27.1.4 Does topichood matter?......Page 482
27.1.5 Prior models of pronoun use......Page 483
27.2 STOP LOOKING AT PRONOUNS TO UNDERSTAND PRONOUNS......Page 484
27.3 LIKELY MESSAGES AND LIKELY FORMS......Page 486
27.4 PRONOUNS IN A GENERATIVE MODEL: A BAYESIAN APPROACH......Page 488
27.4.1 Coherence-driven factors influence next mention......Page 489
27.4.2 Topichood influences pronominalization......Page 491
27.4.3 Model comparison......Page 493
27.5 HOW DOES A GENERATIVE MODEL CLARIFY PRONOUN PUZZLES?......Page 494
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS......Page 496
28.1 THE PROBLEM OF REFERENTIAL CHOICE......Page 497
28.2.1 Gricean maxims......Page 498
28.2.2.1 What is informativeness?......Page 499
28.2.2.2 Empirical investigations of informativeness in production......Page 500
28.2.2.3 Empirical investigations of informativeness in comprehension......Page 502
28.2.3 Discourse theories: Framework and empirical evidence......Page 504
28.2.4 Comparing informativeness and discourse approaches......Page 508
28.3.1 What’s in the context? Linguistic and non-linguistic sources of information......Page 509
28.3.2.1 Does common ground matter?......Page 510
28.3.2.2 Social cues; gestures......Page 511
28.3.2.4 Speaker goals......Page 512
28.3.3 Constraints from the referent......Page 513
28.4 FUTURE DIRECTIONS IN REFERENCE PRODUCTION......Page 515
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT......Page 516
29.1 INTRODUCTION......Page 517
29.2 PROSODY: A BRIEF PRIMER......Page 519
29.3 THE PRODUCTION OF PROSODICALLY REALIZED FOCUS......Page 520
29.3.1 Prosodic realization of information-structural focus across languages......Page 521
29.3.2 The prosodic realization of focus is context-dependent......Page 522
29.3.3 Prosodic realization of other information-structural properties of foci......Page 523
29.3.4 Prosodic marking of focus size......Page 525
29.4 THE PERCEPTION AND INTERPRETATION OF PROSODICALLY REALIZED FOCUS......Page 527
29.4.1 The perception and interpretation of focus across languages......Page 528
29.4.2 Contextual influence on the perception and interpretation of prosodically realized focus......Page 529
29.4.3 Interpreting prosodic cues to foci that differ in other information-structural properties......Page 530
29.4.4 Perceiving and interpreting the size of prosodically realized focus......Page 531
29.4.5 Experimental tasks for the perception and interpretation of prosodically realized focus......Page 532
29.5 CONCLUDING REMARKS......Page 533
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS......Page 534
30.1 A BRIEF OVERVIEW OF PLOITENESS THEORIES......Page 535
30.2 TESTS OF BROWN & LEVINSON'S MODEL......Page 536
30.3 SOCIAL INTERACTIONAL DETERMINATIONS OF POLITENESS......Page 538
30.4 POLITENESS, REASONING, AND THE COMMUNICATION OF UNCERTAINITY......Page 540
30.5 PROCESSING POLITENESS......Page 542
30.6 CONCLUSION......Page 545
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS......Page 546
31.2 BRIEF REASONING: AT WHAT AGE, AND WHEN?......Page 547
31.3 THEORY OF MIND, LANGUAGE AND PRAGMANTICS: RELATIONS AND PARALLELS......Page 549
31.4 TWO-YEARS-OLDS: DO THEY KNOW BETTER NOW THAN THIRTY YEARS AGO?......Page 550
31.5 THREE-YEARS-OLDS' UNDERSTANDING OF FACTIVITY: WE KNOW, OR WE THINK?......Page 552
31.6 EARLY REFERENTIAL COMMUNICATION: ENGAGEMENT AND DISENGAGEMENT......Page 554
31.7 PRESCHOOLERS' REASONING ABOUT OTHERS' PERCEPTIONS: FROM SEEING TO KNOWING......Page 556
31.8 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS......Page 557
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS......Page 559
32.1 THE RULES......Page 560
32.2.1 The status of The Rules......Page 561
32.2.2 The processing of The Rules......Page 563
32.2.3 Cues for predicting the end of turns......Page 565
32.3.2 Corpus analysis......Page 568
32.4 VALIDITY ISSUES......Page 569
32.5 SUMMARY......Page 570
REFERENCES......Page 572
INDEX......Page 680