The Emergence of Pidgin and Creole Languages (Oxford Linguistics)

Contents......Page 6
List of Tables and Figures......Page 10
Acknowledgements......Page 11
Abbreviations......Page 12
1.1 Definitions......Page 16
1.2 Questions about the emergence of pidgins and creoles......Page 21
1.3 About this book......Page 22
1.3.2 Outline......Page 23
2.1.1 Historical development and current use......Page 26
2.1.2 Linguistic features......Page 28
2.2.1 Assumptions about simplicity......Page 33
2.2.2 Morphological simplicity and lexicality......Page 37
2.3 Morphological simplicity in pidgins and pre-pidgins......Page 41
2.4 Explanations for formal simplicity in SLA......Page 45
2.4.1 Explanations involving UG......Page 46
2.4.2 Constructivist explanations......Page 49
2.4.3 Explanations involving speech production models......Page 51
2.5 Mixing and levelling......Page 54
2.6 Social-psychological factors and ‘imperfect’ SLA......Page 56
3.1 Morphological simplicity in Bislama......Page 58
3.2 Accounting for simplicity in creoles......Page 60
3.2.1 Inheritance from a pidgin predecessor......Page 61
3.2.2 The result of restructuring......Page 65
3.2.3 The role of mixing and levelling......Page 70
3.3.1 Defining morphological expansion......Page 71
3.3.2 Morphological expansion in Hawai‘i Pidgin English......Page 74
4.1 Language-internal developments......Page 78
4.2 Linguistic universals......Page 81
4.2.1 Lack of models......Page 83
4.2.2 Irrelevance of the substrate languages......Page 84
4.2.3 Universality of creole features......Page 85
4.3 Influence of other languages......Page 93
4.3.1 Morphology from the lexifier language......Page 94
4.3.2 Morphology from other pidgins and creoles......Page 96
4.3.3 Morphology from the substrate languages......Page 97
4.4 Substrate influence: Lexifier forms, substrate functions......Page 98
4.4.1 Substrate influence in Melanesian Pidgin......Page 99
4.4.2 Substrate influence in Hawai‘i Creole......Page 106
4.4.3 Discussion......Page 118
5 Transfer......Page 120
5.1 Introducing transfer......Page 121
5.2 Transfer in second language acquisition......Page 123
5.2.1 Background......Page 124
5.2.2 Word order transfer in SLA......Page 127
5.2.3 Functional transfer in SLA......Page 130
5.3 Transfer in bilingual first language acquisition......Page 132
5.4 Transfer in second language use......Page 135
5.4.1 SLA studies......Page 138
5.4.2 Indigenized and language shift varieties......Page 139
5.4.3 Bilingualism......Page 141
5.5 Motivation for transfer and connections with creole development......Page 142
5.6 Discussion of other views......Page 147
5.6.1 Language Bioprogram Hypothesis......Page 148
5.6.2 Relexification......Page 149
5.6.3 Contact-induced grammaticalization......Page 154
5.7 The mechanics of functional transfer......Page 156
5.7.2 Two Targets Hypothesis......Page 157
5.8 Conclusion......Page 162
6.1 Availability constraints and reinforcement principles......Page 163
6.2 Specific languages......Page 164
6.3 Specific features......Page 166
6.3.1 Features not transferred......Page 167
6.3.2 Linguistic constraints on transfer......Page 170
6.4 Discussion......Page 184
6.4.1 The role of the lexifier......Page 185
6.4.2 Transfer without congruence......Page 186
7.1 From variability to stability: Early Melanesian Pidgin......Page 190
7.1.1 Variability in early Melanesian Pidgin......Page 192
7.1.2 The second plantation era and stabilization......Page 193
7.1.3 The emergence of separate dialects......Page 195
7.2 Early dialectal differences......Page 196
7.2.1 Demonstratives......Page 197
7.2.2 Adjectival and numeral marker (-pela/-fala)......Page 199
7.2.3 Relative clause marking......Page 201
7.2.4 Progressive aspect marking......Page 203
7.2.5 Modality marking......Page 205
7.2.6 Summary......Page 208
7.3 Discussion......Page 211
7.4 Substrate reinforcement in Hawai‘i Creole......Page 212
7.5 Substrate reinforcement versus transfer......Page 214
8 Predicting substrate influence......Page 218
8.1 Review of availability constraints, reinforcement principles, and contraction......Page 219
8.2.1 Sociohistorical background......Page 220
8.2.2 The substrate languages and TMA marking......Page 221
8.2.3 Predicting substrate influence in Tayo......Page 228
8.2.4 The Tayo TMA system......Page 234
8.2.5 Discussion......Page 239
8.3.1 Sociohistorical background......Page 240
8.3.2 The substrate languages and the verbal complex......Page 241
8.3.3 The Roper Kriol verb phrase......Page 247
8.4 Conclusions......Page 249
9.1 Introduction......Page 250
9.2.1 Papua New Guinea: Background......Page 252
9.2.2 Linguistic features of Tok Pisin influenced by English......Page 254
9.2.3 English-influenced innovations in the past......Page 259
9.2.4 The linguistic features of Papua New Guinea English......Page 261
9.2.5 Code alternation......Page 263
9.2.6 Intermediate varieties......Page 265
9.2.7 Other Melanesian countries......Page 266
9.2.8 Sociocultural and political factors......Page 268
9.2.9 Conclusion......Page 271
9.3.1 Conventional decreolization......Page 272
9.3.2 Covert decreolization......Page 274
9.4 Conclusions......Page 282
10.1 Summary......Page 284
10.2.1 Superstratist position......Page 286
10.2.2 Contact-induced grammaticalization......Page 287
10.2.3 Relexification Hypothesis......Page 288
10.2.4 Two Targets model......Page 290
10.2.5 Language Bioprogram Hypothesis......Page 292
10.3 Concluding remarks......Page 294
References......Page 296
C......Page 328
F......Page 329
I......Page 330
M......Page 331
P......Page 332
S......Page 333
W......Page 334
Z......Page 335