Stative Inquiries: Causes, Results, Experiences, and Locations

Stative Inquiries
Editorial page
Title page
Copyright page
Table of contents
Acknowledgments
Preface
Abbreviations
1. Introduction
	1.1 Setting the stage
	1.2 Goals and scope of this monograph
	1.3 Structure of this book
		Chapter 2. ‘Aktionsart’ and argument structure: A state of the art
		Chapter 3. Stative causatives
		Chapter 4. Stative participles
		Chapter 5. Stative psychological and locative verbs
		Chapter 6. Conclusions
2. ‘Aktionsart’ and argument structure: A state of the art
	2.1 Introduction
	2.2 The classic event types
		2.2.1 States
		2.2.2 Activities
		2.2.3 Telics
		2.2.4 The tests
			2.2.4.1 Events vs. states
			2.2.4.2 Telic vs. atelic
		2.2.5 Two types of telic predicates
			2.2.5.1 Accomplishments
			2.2.5.2 Achievements
		2.2.6 Against semelfactives
		2.2.7 Interim summary
	2.3 Modeling ‘Aktionsart’ in the syntax
		2.3.1 Origins of verbal decomposition
		2.3.2 L-syntax: Hale & Keyser (1993, 2002)
			2.3.2.1 An overview of the model
			2.3.2.2 Critical assessment
		2.3.3 Borer’s (2005‘b’) XS-model
			2.3.3.1 An overview of the model
			2.3.3.2 Critical assessment
		2.3.4 First phase syntax: Ramchand (2008)
			2.3.4.1 An overview of the model
			2.3.4.2 Critical assessment
	2.4 Conclusions
3. Stative causatives
	3.1 Introduction
	3.2 Non-dynamic events: Fábregas & Marín (2017)
		3.2.1 An overview of Fábregas & Marín (2017)
		3.2.2 Review of Fábregas & Marín (2017)
			3.2.2.1 Eventivity tests?
	3.3 My proposal
		3.3.1 Defining traits of gobernar-verbs
		3.3.2 The syntax of ‘gobernar’-verbs
		3.3.3 Deriving the properties of ‘gobernar’-verbs
		3.3.4 Comparison with atomic approaches
	3.4 Against MAINTAIN: CAUSE and the temporal relation between events
		3.4.1 CAUSE and temporal sequencing: Neeleman & van de Koot (2012)
		3.4.2 Problems with Neeleman & van de Koot (2012)
		3.4.3 An alternative proposal
	3.5 Compatibility with other accounts of CAUSE and the external argument
		3.5.1 VoiceP ≠ vP
		3.5.2 Unaccusative CAUSE
	3.6 Conclusions
4. Stative participles
	4.1 Introduction
	4.2 Adjectival passives in Spanish: A state of the art
	4.3 Comparing predicative and attributive participles
		4.3.1 Change-of-state structure?
		4.3.2 External arguments
		4.3.3 Passives
		4.3.4 Perfect semantics
		4.3.5 Summary of findings
	4.4 The proposal
		4.4.1 Estar-PPrts
		4.4.2 Bare-PPrts
		4.4.3 Perfective adjectives
	4.5 ‘By’-phrases and agent/event-oriented modifiers in APass. Beyond Spanish
		4.5.1 State-relevance
		4.5.2 Problems with the state-relevance approach
		4.5.3 Event-kinds and pseudo-incorporation
		4.5.4 Problems with the event-kinds approach
		4.5.5 Where are we?
	4.6 Crosslinguistic variation
		4.6.1 Permissive languages: An introduction
		4.6.2 Previous accounts
			4.6.2.1 Kratzer (2000)
			4.6.2.2 Alexiadou et al. (2015)
			4.6.2.3 Problems with Kratzer (2000)
			4.6.2.4 Problems with Alexiadou et al. (2015)
		4.6.3 An alternative account
			4.6.3.1 Option 1: Parametrization of Adj (to be discarded)
			4.6.3.2 Option 2: StatP and AdjP
	4.7 Towards a unified theory of participles
	4.8 Conclusions
5. Stative psychological and locative verbs
	5.1 Introduction
	5.2 Psychological verbs: State of the art
		5.2.1 Experiencers and the linking problem
		5.2.2 Psych effects
	5.3 Psychological and locative verbs
		5.3.1 Spanish psych verbs and their effects
			5.3.1.1 Stative OEPVs
			5.3.1.2 Psych effects
		5.3.2 Locative verbs and their ‘psych’ effects
			5.3.2.1 Spanish locative verbs
			5.3.2.2 Psych effects with locative verbs in other languages
			5.3.2.3 Interim summary
	5.4 The analysis
		5.4.1 A PP for experiencer objects: Landau (2010)
		5.4.2 Unifying psych and locative verbs
		5.4.3 Stative psych and locative verbs are not causative
		5.4.4 Stative psych and locative verbs are unaccusative
		5.4.5 The common thematic interpretation of Experiencers and Grounds
		5.4.6 Interim conclusions
	5.5 Agentivity?
		5.5.1 The received view on agentivity
		5.5.2 Agentive stative locative verbs
		5.5.3 Agentivity and psych verbs
			5.5.3.1 The classification in Marín (2011)
			5.5.3.2 Agentivity and psych effects in OEPVs
		5.5.4 Agentivity as teleological capability: Folli & Harley (2008)
	5.6 Conclusions
6. Conclusions
	6.1 Summary of findings
	6.2 Main contributions
	6.3 Future work
Bibliography
Index