Romance Linguistics 2010: Selected Papers from the 40th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Linguistics (LSRL), Seattle, Washington, March 2010

ROMANCE LINGUISTICS 2010......Page 2
Editorial page......Page 3
Title page......Page 4
LCC data......Page 5
Dedication page......Page 6
Table of contents......Page 8
Foreword and Acknowledgements......Page 10
1. Romance Linguistics......Page 12
2.1 Morphophonology......Page 13
2.2 Syntax......Page 14
2.3 Semantic Interfaces......Page 16
3. Conclusion......Page 17
References......Page 18
1. Introduction......Page 20
2. Early history......Page 21
3. Beginning and evolution of the LSRL......Page 23
4. Current theory and practice......Page 25
5. Prospective and conclusion......Page 30
References......Page 32
PART I.
Morphophonology......Page 34
1. Introduction......Page 36
1.2 Vowels: From Latin to Romanian......Page 37
2.1 Latin to early/common Romanian......Page 38
2.1.3 Latin /#in/ → Romanian /#ɨn/......Page 39
2.2 Old Slavic loanwords in Romanian......Page 40
2.2.2 Romanian treatment of Old Slavic liquid-jer metathesis......Page 41
2.2.3 Other Old Slavic sources for Romanian /ɨ/......Page 42
2.3.2 Turkish borrowings with unconditioned /ɨ/......Page 43
2.4 Summary: Etymological sources for Romanian /ɨ/......Page 44
2.5 /ɨ/ as a phoneme: Romanian minimal pairs......Page 45
3.1 Frequency of segment types in Romanian......Page 46
3.2 Vowel type frequencies......Page 47
3.3 Segments following / / in Romanian......Page 48
4. Conclusions......Page 49
References......Page 50
1. Introduction......Page 52
2.1.3 Stimuli......Page 55
2.1.4 Analysis......Page 56
3.1 Word-final prevocalic contexts......Page 58
3.2 Word-medial preconsonantal contexts......Page 60
3.3 Summary......Page 61
4. Discussion......Page 62
5. Conclusions......Page 66
References......Page 67
1. Introduction......Page 68
2.2 Stimuli......Page 69
2.4 Recording......Page 70
2.5 Variables and data analysis......Page 71
3.1 Descriptive results......Page 73
3.2.2 C1 voicing......Page 74
4. Discussion......Page 75
5. Theoretical implications......Page 76
6. Conclusion......Page 77
References......Page 78
Appendix A.
Participant information......Page 79
Appendix B.
Target sentences (token words are in bold)......Page 80
1. Introduction......Page 82
2.1 Data......Page 83
2.2 Phonetic grounding......Page 88
3. An OT analysis of mid front vowel lowering before rhotics......Page 92
4. Theoretical implications......Page 95
References......Page 96
1. Introduction......Page 98
2.2 Plural formation......Page 99
2.3 Plurals in Eastern, Central and Southern dialects......Page 101
3.1 Basic constraints......Page 102
3.2 n- and l-final singulars: Gliding......Page 103
3.3 l-final singulars with penultimate stress: epenthesis......Page 106
3.4 Monosyllables in -n and -l......Page 107
3.5 r-final singulars......Page 110
4.1 Eastern dialects......Page 111
4.2 Central and Southern dialects......Page 112
References......Page 115
PART II.
Syntax......Page 118
1. Introduction......Page 120
2. Theoretical framework......Page 125
3.1 Is the relationship between both clauses an instance of parataxis?......Page 126
3.2 Clauses without the expression of a complementizer: CP or IP?......Page 127
4.1 Research question #1: Are bare subject restrictive relatives instances 
of parataxis?......Page 129
4.2 Research question #2: What is the structure of bare subject relative clauses in Old French?......Page 130
4.3 Research question #3: Why were bare subject relatives possible in OF?......Page 132
5. Conclusion......Page 133
References......Page 134
1. Introduction......Page 136
2.1 Germanic and Romance languages......Page 137
2.2 Directed motion in Medieval French......Page 139
3.1 The macro-parametric approach......Page 142
3.2 The micro-parametric approach to the directed-motion construction......Page 143
4.1 Path......Page 145
4.2 Inactive PathP in present-day French......Page 148
4.3 Correlations......Page 151
5. Conclusion......Page 152
References......Page 153
1. The Problem......Page 156
2. The Proposal......Page 159
3. Active transitive clauses......Page 160
4.1 The result anticausative derivation (Res-AC)......Page 161
4.2 The process anticausative derivation (Proc-AC)......Page 162
5. Properties of the two derivations......Page 163
6. Extension to Hebrew......Page 165
7. Extension to ergative languages......Page 168
References......Page 170
1. Introduction......Page 174
Index
......Page 348
2.1 A phonological condition on ellipsis remnants......Page 178
2.2 The actual scope of the Stress Condition on Remnants......Page 179
2.3 A possessive copy in the Phase Complement transferred to PHON......Page 180
3. Further facts leading to a more refined proposal......Page 181
4. An extension of the Relative-Clause Configuration analysis to other data......Page 186
5. Summary......Page 192
References......Page 193
1. Introduction......Page 196
2.1 Basic examples......Page 197
2.2 Obligatory Closest Conjunct Agreement......Page 198
2.3 Plural semantics......Page 199
3.2 An enriched theory of φ-features......Page 200
3.3 Featural content of N, D and CoP......Page 201
3.4 Agree as feature sharing......Page 203
4. Prospects and Conclusions......Page 206
References......Page 208
1. Introduction......Page 210
2. The Nominal Mapping Parameter......Page 211
3. Where to place ABS in the Nominal Mapping Parameter typology......Page 212
4. Number and mass interpretation......Page 213
5. Bare nouns as kind terms......Page 215
6. Indefinites and bare nouns......Page 216
7. Bare nouns and definiteness......Page 219
8. Bare Nouns in ABS: A unified account......Page 221
References......Page 222
2.1 Types of imperative forms and their distribution in negative commands......Page 224
2.2 The nature of imperative forms in BP......Page 227
3.1 Movement is blocked by syntactic constraints......Page 228
3.2 Movement is blocked by semantic constraints......Page 229
3.3 Problems with V-to-C analyses......Page 230
3.4 Additional data and an additional problem......Page 231
4. A selectional analysis......Page 233
5. A PF merger analysis......Page 234
References......Page 237
PART III.
Semantic interfaces......Page 240
1. Introduction......Page 242
2.1 Tripartite structures......Page 244
2.2 IS sentences as abilitative statements......Page 247
2.3.1 Capacity in potentia and capacity in acto......Page 248
2.3.2 An abilitative modal base: Absence of impeding conditions......Page 249
2.4 IS statements: Analysis......Page 250
2.5.1 Difference between overt ‘can’ and covert ABint......Page 251
2.5.3 IS statements are not definitional......Page 252
3.1 The questions......Page 253
3.2 DPs: Analysis......Page 254
4. Conclusion......Page 255
References......Page 256
1. The problem......Page 258
2. The contrast between Romanian and British English collective nouns......Page 260
4.1 Distributive quantifiers......Page 261
4.2 Partitive quantifiers......Page 262
5.1 Distributive quantifiers cannot apply to mass nouns......Page 264
5.2 The Homogeneity constraint (HC)......Page 265
5.3 Higginbotham’s (1994) analysis of mass and plural D-quantifiers......Page 266
6. Generalizing partitive quantification......Page 267
7. Plural agreement with partitive collectives......Page 269
8. Partitive plural DPs......Page 272
References......Page 273
1. Introduction......Page 276
2. The mono-clausal account......Page 278
3.1 (Reverse) sluicing......Page 280
3.2 Multidominance......Page 283
References......Page 287
1. Introduction......Page 290
2. The structure of the Romanian verbal cluster......Page 291
3. Projections without specifiers vs. complex X0s......Page 294
4. PF- clitics vs. syntactic clitics......Page 297
5.1 Restructuring. Complex head formation divorced from head-movement......Page 300
5.2 Parameterization of linear order inside complex heads......Page 302
6. Conclusions......Page 303
References......Page 304
1. Introduction......Page 306
2.1 The empirical challenge......Page 307
2.2 The distribution of vreun under attitude verbs......Page 310
2.3 The distribution of vreun in modal contexts......Page 311
3.1 A unitary approach to polarity-sensitivity......Page 313
3.2 Existential dependent determiners: un NP oarecare versus vreun.......Page 314
4. Conclusion and open issues......Page 318
References......Page 319
1. Introduction......Page 322
2. Inner and outer polarity......Page 324
2.2 Outer polarity......Page 325
3. Assertions, polar questions and responding moves......Page 326
3.1 Discourse structure......Page 327
3.2 Assertions and polar questions......Page 328
3.3 Responding discourse moves......Page 330
4.2 Relative polarity features......Page 331
4.3 Markedness scales......Page 333
5. Polarity particles in English......Page 335
6. Sources and dependents in default assertions and default questions......Page 338
7. Response particles in imperatives......Page 339
7.1 Core imperative force in context......Page 340
7.2 Types of imperatives......Page 343
7.3 Particle use in responses to imperatives......Page 344
8. Conclusions......Page 345
References......Page 346