Perfects in Indo-European Languages and Beyond

PERFECTS IN INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGESAND BEYOND
Editorial page
Title page
Copyright page
Table of contents
Editors’ foreword
	Acknowledgements
Abbreviations
Chapter 1. Introduction
	1. General remarks
	2. Meaning
	3. Diathesis and alignment
	4. Further observations
	5. Conclusion
	References
Chapter 2. The development of the perfect within IE verbal systems: An overview
	1. Introduction
	2. The inherited IE perfect
		2.1 The (Proto-)Indo-European background
		2.2 The development of the old perfect in IE
	3. New perfects
		3.1 Periphrasis with copula only
		3.2 Periphrasis with ‘be’ + ‘have’
		3.3 Other developments
	4. New functions of the (old or new) perfect
		4.1 Perfective and/or past
		4.2 Inferential (evidential)
	Acknowledgements
	Abbreviations
	References
Chapter 3. Celtic past tenses past and present
	1. Preliminaries
		1.1 Overview
		1.2 Typological features of Celtic verbs
	2. ‘After’-perfect (p1)
		2.1 General structure
		2.2 Earlier stages
		2.3 Function
		2.4 Current usage
		2.5 Incompatibility
		2.6 Hiberno-English
		2.7 Scottish Gaelic
		2.8 Manx
		2.9 Welsh
	3. p2: have-perfect
		3.1 General structure
		3.2 Possessive character
		3.3 Related structures
		3.4 Definiteness, relevance and proximity
		3.5 Options and constraints
		3.6 Paradigmatic environment
		3.7 Evolution/Contacts
		3.8 Combination of p1 & p2
		3.9 have-perfect in Eastern Gaelic
		3.10 have-perfect in Breton
	4. Voice
		4.1 From ‘passive’ to ‘autonomous’
		4.2 p2 as passive
		4.3 Passive in p1
	5. Derived tenses: Anteriority and Posteriority
	6. Non-finite perfect equivalents
		6.1 do/i ‘to’ as agent marker
		6.2 Small clauses with agus
		6.3 Obsolete iar > ar
	7. Phrasal verbs
	Acknowledgements
	References
Chapter 4. The development of the perfect in selected Middle and New Germanic languages
	1. Introduction
	2. Perfect forms in modern Germanic languages
	3. The emergence and developments of the Germanic perfects
		3.1 The origin in Old Germanic
		3.2 The emergence of the German perfect
		3.3 The expansion of the German perfect
		3.4 Degrees of perfect expansion in modern Germanic languages
	4. Consequences and current trends
		4.1 Präteritumschwund in German dialects
		4.2 Double perfect constructions in German substandard varieties
		4.3 Re-introduction of a temporal opposition in English
	5. Conclusion
	References
Chapter 5. Perfects in Baltic and Slavic
	1. Introduction
	2. Perfects in Baltic
		2.1 Formal issues
		2.2 Functions of perfect constructions
		2.3 Issues of grammaticalisation
		2.4 Issues of diachrony
	3. Slavic
		3.1 Basic morphosyntactic classification
		3.2 The provenance of the participles
		3.3 Functional distinctions, range of lexical input and areal spread
		3.4 Intersections with related domains
		3.5 Diachronic development
		3.6 Pluperfect, future perfect and related constructions
		3.7 Summary on Slavic
	4. Bringing the threads together
		4.1 Main lines of diachronic development and patterns of areal spread
		4.2 On grammaticalisation parameters
	5. Paradigmatic variability
	Acknowledgements
	References
	Sources
Chapter 6. Paradigmatisation of the perfect and resultative in Tocharian
	1. Introduction
	2. Perfect as a cross-linguistic category
	3. The old perfect
	4. The new perfect. Morphosyntactic properties
		4.1 The auxiliaries
		4.2 pret.p orientation
	5. Functions of the pret.p construction
		5.1 Resultative meaning
		5.2 Perfect meaning
		5.3 Pluperfect
		5.4 Preterite functioning as a perfect
	6. Conclusions
	Acknowledgements
	Funding
	References
Chapter 7. The synthetic perfect from Indo-Iranian to Late Vedic
	1. Introduction
	2. Theoretical and philological preliminaries
		2.1 Theoretical considerations
		2.2 Philological preliminaries
	3. The synthetic perfect in Indo-Iranian
		3.1 The Proto-Indo-Iranian situation
		3.2 Outline of the development of the synthetic Perfect in Old Iranian
	4. The synthetic Perfect in Old Indo-Aryan
		4.1 The synthetic Perfect in Early Vedic
		4.2 The synthetic Perfect in Middle Vedic
		4.3 The synthetic Perfect in Late Vedic
	5. Conclusion
	Acknowledgements
	References
Chapter 8. The perfect in Middle and New Iranian languages
	1. Introduction
	2. Historical and typological overview
	3. Perfect formations in Iranian languages
		3.1 Type 1 – the prf.p construction
		3.2 Types 2 and 3 – two isolated cases
		3.3 Type 6 – the ak perfect
		3.4 Type 4 – the ‘stay perfect’
		3.5 Types 5 and 5′ – the ‘have perfect’
		3.6 Type 7 – the ‘exist perfect’
		3.7 Types 8, 9 and further subtypes
	4. Semantics of Iranian perfects
		4.1 Double perfects or supercomposed perfects
		4.2 Perfect and evidentiality
		4.3 Perfect continuous forms
	5. Summary
	Bibliography
Chapter 9. The perfect in North-Eastern Neo-Aramaic
	1. Expression of the perfective
	2. Classification of perfect forms
		2.1 Type 1: Copula placed before the perfective form
		2.2 Type 2: Past stem inflected with D-suffixes
		2.3 Type 3: Resultative participle and copula
		2.4 Perfects with addition of invariable copula
		2.5 Asymmetries
	3. Historical development and language contact
	4. Function of the perfect
		4.1 Resultative state
		4.2 Anterior
		4.3 Existential
		4.4 Evidential
		4.5 Presuppositional
		4.6 Remote past
	5. Function of the perfect in contact languages
	6. Analysis of temporal structure
		6.1 Resultative state
		6.2 Anterior
		6.3 Existential
		6.4 Evidential
		6.5 Presuppositional
		6.6 Remote past
	7. Conclusions
	Acknowledgements
	References
Chapter 10. The perfect in Classical Armenian
	1. Introduction
	2. Syntax
	3. Morphology
	4. Semantics
		4.1 Participle
		4.2 Perfect
		4.3 One-place predicates
		4.4 Two-place predicates
	5. Later developments
	6. Summary
	References
Chapter 11. The Hittite periphrastic perfect
	1. Introduction
		1.1 Aims and structure of the chapter
		1.2 The Anatolian verbal system in an Indo-European perspective
	2. Periphrastic perfect constructions in a cross-linguistic perspective
		2.1 Typology of periphrastic constructions
		2.2 Aspect and actionality
	3. Current research and open issues
		3.1 ḫark- and eš- constructions
		3.2 Semantics of the Hittite participle
		3.3 The periphrastic passive construction
		3.4 Formal aspects of ḫark- and eš- constructions
		3.5 Relationship between ḫark- and eš- constructions
	4. AVC or stative construction?
		4.1 Imperative
		4.2 Indicative
		4.3 Discussion
	5. Conclusion
	Acknowledgements
	References
Chapter 12. The Gothic perfective constructions in contrast to West Germanic
	1. Introductory remark on the term ‘perfect’
	2. The Gothic ga-compounds as viewpoint-aspect markers
	3. ‘Aspectual-like’ prefixations vs. periphrastic constructions in Western Germanic
	4. Periphrastic constructions with perfective function in Gothic and their counterparts in Old Western Germanic languages
	5. A remark on Modern German passive constructions
	6. Conclusion
	References
	Sources
Chapter 13. The perfect system in Ancient Greek
	1. Introduction
		1.1 Morphology
		1.2 Periodisation
		1.3 The problem of the semantics of the Greek perfect
	2. Theoretical preliminaries
		2.1 Homogeneity, state and change-of-state
		2.2 Target (T) and Result (R) states
		2.3 Internal and external arguments
	3. Mycenaean
	4. Archaic Greek
		4.1 State and other homogeneous predicates
		4.2 Change-of-state predicates (non-causative)
		4.3 Causative COS predicates
		4.4 Two-place verbs introducing non-homogeneous non-COS predicates
		4.5 Semantics of the perfect in Archaic Greek
	5. Classical
		5.1 Continuity with Archaic Greek
		5.2 Paradigmatisation: Expansion of the active ~ non-active opposition in the perfect
		5.3 Specialised transitivising and detransitivising perfect active stems
		5.4 Lability in the perfect system
		5.5 Felicity conditions
		5.6 Summary of the semantics of the perfect in Classical Greek
	6. Post-Classical Greek
		6.1 Overview
		6.2 Literary language: Distributional trends with respect to earlier periods
		6.3 Semantic continuity with earlier periods
		6.4 Documentary texts
		6.5 Semantics of the perfect in post-Classical Greek
	7. Conclusion
	Acknowledgements
	Funding
	Abbreviations
	References
Chapter 14. The perfect in Medieval and Modern Greek
	1. The inheritance from antiquity
	2. Perfect and pluperfect in Medieval Greek
		2.1 Perfects
		2.2 Pluperfects
	3. Perfect and pluperfect in Modern Greek
	4. Conclusion
	5. Summary
	Acknowledgements
	Editions of Ancient Greek texts
	Editions of medieval literary texts
	Collections of medieval non-literary texts
	Secondary bibliography
Chapter 15. The perfect system of Old Albanian (Geg variety)
	1. General characteristics: Affiliation, areal relationships, attestation, and sources of Albanian
		1.1 The most important Old Geg literary sources
		1.2 The transcription system used
	2. Terminology
	3. An overview of the Tense-Aspect-Mood system of Old Geg
		3.1 The Tense-Aspect-Mood system of the Old Geg synthetic verbal stems
		3.2 The perfect system
		3.3 The future/conditional system
	4. The voice system
	5. Origin and functions of the Old Geg aorist; syncretism in the early history of Albanian
		5.1 Origin of the aorist
		5.2 Functions of the aorist in Old Geg
	6. The perfect system of Old Geg
		6.1 Morphology of the perfect system
		6.2 The functions of the present perfect indicative of Old Geg
		6.3 The function of the imperfect past perfect indicative
		6.4 The function of the aorist past perfect indicative
		6.5 The function of the present perfect indicative II
		6.6 The function of the imperfect past perfect indicative II
		6.7 The function of the present perfect subjunctive; general remarks on the non-indicative subcategories of the perfect system
		6.8 The function of the imperfect past perfect subjunctive
		6.9 The function of the present perfect optative
	7. The inverted univerbated perfect and the rise of the admirative
		7.1 Morphology of the inverted univerbated perfect (iup)
		7.2 Functions of iup tenses and moods in Buzuku
		7.3 More on the rise of the admirative in Old Geg: The evidence of Budi
	8. Summary
	Acknowledgements
	Funding
	References
		Sources of Old Albanian
		Secondary literature
Chapter 16. The perfect system in Latin
	1. Introduction
		1.1 Formal overview
		1.2 The problem of the semantics of the Latin perfect
		1.3 Periodization of Latin
	2. Frameworks, terminology and definitions
		2.1 Viewpoint aspect
		2.2 Tense
		2.3 Situation types
		2.4 Conceptual moments
		2.5 Change of state
		2.6 Resultative
		2.7 The semantics ~ pragmatics interface
	3. The semantics of the EL and CL perfect stems
		3.1 Synthetic present perfect
		3.2 Synthetic past and future perfects
		3.3 Synthetic perfect infinitive
		3.4 Defective synthetic forms
		3.5 Participle in -tu- < *-to-
		3.6 Analytic perfect
	4. Conclusion: Unity in the semantics of the perfect system?
	Acknowledgements
	Funding
	Formal semantics symbols and abbreviations
	References
Chapter 17. Calquing a quirk: The perfect in the languages of Europe
	1. Introduction
	2. The distribution of the perfect
	3. Old High German and Old Saxon and the Charlemagne Sprachbund
	4. Portuguese on the periphery
		4.1 The influence of Arabic
		4.2 Historical background of Al-Andalus
		4.3 The perfects of Arabic
		4.4 Possible influence on Romance perfects
	5. Czech, Slovak, and the influence of German
		5.1 Historical background of German influence
		5.2 German influence on aspectual distribution of Czech
		5.3 Prescriptive reactions to German influence
	6. Conclusions
	References
Chapter 18. The perfect in context in texts in English, Sistani Balochi and New Testament Greek
	1. The perfect in context: English
	2. The perfect in context: Sistani Balochi
	3. The perfect in context: New Testament Greek
	4. Conclusions
	Acknowledgements
	References
Chapter 19. Indo-European perfects in typological perspective
	1. Introduction
	2. Data sources for multilingual linguistic research
	3. Methods in multilingual corpus studies
	4. The corpora
	5. Perfects and iamitives
	6. Parameters of variation in IE perfects and elsewhere
	7. Incipient grammaticalization of ‘already’ in Indo-European languages
	8. Conclusion
	References
	Appendix. Languages represented in the NT gram set (ISO 639–3 codes in square brackets)
Language index
Subject index