Parts and Wholes in Semantics

Contents......Page 10
1.1. Part structures in the semantics of natural language......Page 16
1.2. The analogy between the semantics of plural, mass, and singular count noun phrases......Page 21
1.3. The traditional view of part structures......Page 26
1.4. The mass-count distinction: the extensional mereological account......Page 31
1.5. A new notion of part structure for natural language......Page 34
1.5.1. The information-based account of the mass-count distinction......Page 35
1.5.2. Characterizations of integrated wholes......Page 39
1.5.3. Formal properties of part structures......Page 42
1.5.4. Situated part structures......Page 44
Appendix: Comparison with other approaches......Page 50
1A.1. Notions related to the notion of integrated whole in other semantic approaches......Page 51
1A.2. The notion of integrated whole and the notion of sortal concept......Page 52
1A.3. Related approaches to the mass-count distinction......Page 54
2.1. General issues concerning sentence meaning......Page 55
2.2. Compositional situation semantics for simple constructions......Page 58
2.3. The treatment of distributivity......Page 63
2.3.1. The problem of distributivity and types of distributivity phenomena......Page 64
2.3.2. Ways of treating distributivity......Page 66
2.3.3. An account of distributivity based on situated part structures and disjunctive lexical meanings......Page 70
3 Semantic Selection, Part Structures, and Perspectives......Page 76
3.1.1. The basic data and the generalization......Page 77
3.1.2. Semantic selection and perspectives......Page 84
3.2.1. The basic data and the generalization......Page 102
3.2.2. Constructional satisfaction of the Integrated Parts Requirement......Page 106
3.2.3. Contextual satisfaction of the Integrated Parts Requirement......Page 116
3.3. Other part-structure-sensitive semantic selectional requirements......Page 117
4 Part Structures and Quantification......Page 119
4.1.1. A uniform treatment of plural and mass universal quantification......Page 120
4.1.2. Further predictions of the account......Page 124
4.2. Existential quantification over groups and quantities......Page 126
4.3. Focused quantifiers......Page 131
4.4.1. Adjectival generalized part quantifiers......Page 138
4.4.2. Generalized part quantifiers of the type all-definite NP......Page 143
4.4.3. Further properties of generalized part quantifiers......Page 146
4.5. Each other, same/different, and part quantification......Page 148
4.5.1. Reciprocals and quantification over parts......Page 149
4.5.2. Same/Different, its semantic antecedent, and the part structure of its antecedent......Page 150
5 Metrical and Other Lexical Specifications of Part Structures......Page 156
5.1.1. Frequency expressions as part-structure attributes......Page 157
5.1.2. The lexical meaning of frequency expressions as a part-structure property......Page 160
5.1.3. Implications of the lexical semantics of frequency expressions......Page 164
5.2.1. The metrical determiner manche(s)......Page 167
5.2.2. German vague count quantifiers and the mass-count distinction......Page 171
5.3. Conclusions......Page 176
6.1. Multidimensional part structures of objects and events......Page 178
6.2. Integrity in different dimensions......Page 179
6.2.1. Adverbial and adnominal part-structure modifiers......Page 180
6.2.2. An account based on relativized integrity and perspectives......Page 184
6.3.1. Multidimensional part structures of objects......Page 190
6.3.2. Multidimensional part structures of events......Page 193
6.4. Apparent ambiguities with vague event quantifiers and frequency expressions......Page 197
6.5.1. The part-quantificational account of adverbs of completion......Page 199
6.5.2. The multiple readings of adverbs of completion in English......Page 202
6.5.3. German ganz......Page 209
6.5.4. Warlpiri quantifier preverbs......Page 212
6.5.5. Parameters governing the restrictions on the possible readings of expressions of completion......Page 214
6.6.1. Same/Different in the internal reading......Page 216
6.6.2. Apparent ambiguities with predicates of concrete events......Page 218
6.6.3. 'Floated quantifiers' ranging over event......Page 220
6.6.4. Binary distributive event quantifiers......Page 221
6.7. Conclusions......Page 231
7.1. Verbs and the mass-count distinction......Page 233
7.2. Adverbial quantifiers as mass quantifiers......Page 234
7.2.1. Adverbial simple mass quantifiers......Page 236
7.2.2. Frequency adverbs......Page 243
7.2.3. Adverbial measure-phrase constructions......Page 244
7.3. Pronominal reference to events......Page 245
7.4. N'-Conjunction with deverbal nominalizations......Page 248
7.5. A possible explanation of the mass-status of verbs......Page 251
7A.2. Pronominal reference to propositions......Page 252
7A.3. Clauses and agreement......Page 253
7A.4. Plurals and concealed propositions......Page 254
7A.5. Requirements on the countability of situations......Page 255
8 Concluding Remark about Part Structures and Natural Language......Page 258
Bibliography......Page 260
E......Page 266
N......Page 267
S......Page 268
W......Page 269