Parsing below the segment in a constraint-based framework

Chapter 1
	1. Introduction
	2. Autosegmental phonology
	3. Ostensible differences between segments and subsegments
		3.1 Independent properties
		3.2 One approach
		3.3 Dependent features and independent segments
	4. A unified representation for all subsegments
		4.1 Latent segments lack a root node
		4.2 Problems with previous proposals
			4.2.1 Extrametricality
			4.2.2 The X-slot
			4.2.3 The mora
			4.2.4 Defective root node
	5. Summary of the chapter
Chapter 2
	1. Introduction
	2. The Rudiments of Optimality Theory
		2.1 Faithfulness and Correspondence
		2.2. Formal Clarity and Multiple Violation
	3. Constraints vs. rnles: a demonstration
		3.1 Kulmya tone melodies
		3.2 Rule based account of Kukuya
		3.3 Proposal in Optimality Theory
			3.3.1 Basic association
			3.3.2 Contour Licensing
			3.3.3 Spreading asymmetry
			3.3.4 Summary of Kukuya
			3.3.5 A Note about Mende
	4. Conclusion
Chapter 3
	1. Align
		1.1 A problem with ALIGN
		1.2 Mode of Violation
		1.3 No-Intervening .
	2,Inor
		2, I The analysis
		2.2 Can representational distinctions alone do the trick?
	3. Summary
Chapter 4
	1. Introduction
	2. Conflicting directionality .
	3. Analysis
	4. Implication for underspecification
	5. Formal statement of licensing:
		5.1 Licensing as ALIGN
		5.2 A problem with licensing as alignment
		5.3 A proposal
	6. Licensing of Prosodic Structure in Eastern Cheremis
	7. Typology
	8. The other unbounded stress pattern
	9. Conclusion
Chapter 5
	1. Introduction
	2. Latent glottals in Yowlumne
		2.1 Subsegments in Yowlumne
		2.2 How should the glottal be represented?
		2.3 *STRUC(cr):
		2.4 Affix placement
		2.5 Partial infixation
		2.6 No-Intervening II:
		2. 7 Partial infixation in Yowlumne
	3. Other latent segments
		3.1 The data
		3.2 Analysis of Latent Consonants
		3.3 Analysis of Latent Vowels
	4. Inventory and the single node
		4.1 The Single Node Generalization
		4.2 Yowlumne inventory
		4.3 French
	5. Summary
References