Parametric Variation: Null Subjects in Minimalist Theory

Half-title......Page 3
Title......Page 5
Copyright......Page 6
Contents......Page 7
Acknowledgements......Page 8
Introduction: parameters in minimalist theory......Page 9
1.1 The observation......Page 10
1.2 Types of null-subject systems......Page 13
1.2.1 Consistent null-subject languages......Page 14
1.2.3 'Discourse pro-drop' (also called 'radical pro-drop'
)......Page 16
1.2.4 Partial null-subject languages......Page 18
1.2.5 Conclusion......Page 20
1.3 Two analyses of null subjects......Page 21
2.1 Rizzi (1982): clustering properties in Romance and English......Page 22
2.2 Gilligan (1987): universal clusters......Page 26
2.3 Newmeyer (2004; 2005; 2006): negative conclusions......Page 31
2.4 A performance-efficiency based alternative......Page 35
2.5 Conclusion......Page 37
3.1 Problems with the 'classical' formulation......Page 38
3.2 The minimalist view......Page 40
3.3 Micro- and macroparameters......Page 44
3.4 Epigenetic parameter-setting......Page 53
3.5 Why parameters? Comparative syntax beyond explanatory adequacy......Page 58
3.6 Where are parameters? The locus of parametric variation......Page 62
4 Conclusion......Page 64
Introduction......Page 66
1 Holmberg (2005)......Page 67
2.1 Clitics and incorporation......Page 71
2.2 Clitics and 'pro': similarities and differences......Page 78
2.3 Pro and the EPP......Page 81
2.4 The trigger for deletion......Page 83
2.5 Deletion, non-realisation and syntactic impoverishment......Page 88
3 Conclusion......Page 94
1 Introduction: Rizzi's (1982) Null Subject Parameters......Page 96
2 Null subjects not taken up......Page 97
3 Consistent and partial NSLs: the facts......Page 99
4 The topic antecedent of null subjects......Page 102
5.1 Consistent null-subject languages......Page 105
5.2 Partial null-subject languages......Page 109
5.3 Summary......Page 112
6 Non-null-subject languages 1: Scandinavian......Page 114
7 Non-null-subject languages 2......Page 122
8 A comparison with Holmberg (2005)......Page 124
9 Rizzi (1986a) in a minimalist perspective......Page 127
10 The pro-drop hierarchy......Page 129
1 Introduction*......Page 133
2.1 Null subjects that are not licit in partial null-subject languages......Page 134
2.3 Null generic subject pronoun......Page 136
2.4 Null subject controlled by an antecedent in a higher clause......Page 139
2.6 Summary of the null-subject typology......Page 140
3 Null subjects in partial null-subject languages......Page 141
4.1 How the relationship differs from obligatory control......Page 142
4.2 Similarities with obligatory control......Page 143
4.3 How this control differs from obligatory and non-obligatory control......Page 144
5 Control with different verb types......Page 149
5.2 Directive verbs......Page 150
5.3 Subject control with commissive verbs......Page 151
5.5 Verbs of communication......Page 152
5.6 Summary of verb type facts......Page 154
6.3 Noun complements and factive clauses......Page 155
7 The control typology......Page 157
8 Conclusions......Page 160
1 Introduction......Page 161
2.1 Canonical semi NSLs: the case of German and Icelandic......Page 165
2.2 Theoretical developments......Page 168
2.2.1 Null subjects in minimalism......Page 169
2.2.2 Spec-TP in minimalism......Page 172
3 Reconsidering SpecTP in Germanic......Page 174
3.1 Empirical facts......Page 175
3.2 Afrikaans word-order variation as a window on the nature of SpecTP......Page 179
3.3 Germanic EPP-satisfaction: a typology......Page 182
3.4.1 Dutch......Page 193
3.4.2 German......Page 196
3.4.3 Icelandic......Page 197
3.4.4 Summary and some diachronic speculations......Page 203
4 Conclusion......Page 205
1 Introduction......Page 208
2 The Finnish generic pronoun and the typology of impersonal pronouns......Page 209
3 There is a syntactically projected subject in the GSC......Page 212
4 Does the G-pronoun trigger agreement?......Page 214
5 Does the G-pronoun have case?......Page 217
6 Why does the G-pronoun not satisfy the EPP?......Page 218
7 An inadequate theory......Page 222
8 An adequate theory......Page 224
9 Non-nominative G-pronouns......Page 228
10 Generic non-subjects......Page 231
11 On the Finnish passive......Page 233
12 Other languages......Page 235
13 Conclusions......Page 237
1 Introduction......Page 239
2.1 Syntax and information structure......Page 241
2.3 Nuclear stress and focus projection......Page 242
2.4 The importance of phases......Page 243
3.1 SVO word order......Page 245
3.2 SV and locative inversion/presentational sentences......Page 246
3.2.1 Locative inversion in Spanish......Page 249
3.3 Definiteness effects......Page 250
3.4 Spanish XPVSO order......Page 251
3.4.1 A parametric characterisation......Page 254
4.1 V(O)S order in Spanish and Italian......Page 257
4.1.1 Subjects remain low......Page 258
4.1.3 C-command relations between the subject and the object......Page 259
4.1.3.1 Variable binding......Page 260
4.1.5 Condition A......Page 261
4.2 Spanish V(O)S......Page 262
4.4 (O)VS and XPVSO order in European Portuguese......Page 265
5 Implications for parametric theory......Page 268
6 Conclusions......Page 270
1 Introduction......Page 271
2 Triggering V-to-T and licensing null subjects: agreement-centred approaches......Page 272
3 An alternative: T and tense inflection......Page 273
4 Extending the approach: parametric variation in respect of the position of tense features......Page 276
4.1 'Affix Hopping', 'do-deletion' and T-V Agree in English
......Page 278
4.2 Middle English......Page 286
4.3 Summary and an interim typology......Page 292
5.1 Icelandic......Page 293
5.2 Celtic......Page 299
5.3 Other V-initial languages......Page 303
6 Conclusion......Page 308
1 Is French a null-subject language?......Page 311
2.1 French......Page 319
2.2 Franco-Provençal Valdôtain......Page 327
2.3 Veneto and other Northern Italian dialects......Page 329
3 
Conclusion......Page 333
Bibliography......Page 336
Index......Page 365