Negotiating Norms: The Right to Free, Prior, and Informed Consent in Liberia and Beyond (Interdisciplinary Studies in Human Rights, 9)

Acknowledgments
Contents
Abbreviations
Chapter 1: Introduction
	1.1 Methodology
		1.1.1 Positionality
		1.1.2 Research Approach and Methods
			1.1.2.1 Research on Transnational Law
			1.1.2.2 Research in the Fields of Post-Conflict Law-Making
			1.1.2.3 Research in Two Community Forests
		1.1.3 Data Analysis
	1.2 Fields, Power, and the Meaning of Law
		1.2.1 Fields
		1.2.2 Power
		1.2.3 Law
			1.2.3.1 The Sources of Law
			1.2.3.2 Law as a Process
			1.2.3.3 Law as a Construction
			1.2.3.4 The Multiscalarity and Plurality of Law
			1.2.3.5 Traveling Norms
	1.3 Structure of the Book
	References
Chapter 2: The Global Time-Space: FPIC in the Fields of Transnational Law
	2.1 Mapping the Fields
	2.2 Tracing FPIC´s Origin
		2.2.1 Sovereignty and Self-Determination
		2.2.2 Indigenous Perspectives on Self-Determination
		2.2.3 Consent in International Law
	2.3 Conceptualizing FPIC
		2.3.1 A Matter of Naming
		2.3.2 Theoretical Underpinnings
		2.3.3 FPIC´s Internal Dimension: Institutional Autonomy and Gender
	2.4 FPIC in Transnational Human Rights Law
		2.4.1 Minority Rights
			2.4.1.1 Minorities and the State
			2.4.1.2 More than Participation?
			2.4.1.3 Institutional Autonomy, Gender, and Minorities
		2.4.2 Indigenous and Tribal Peoples
			2.4.2.1 `Indigenous and Tribal Peoples´ and the State
				2.4.2.1.1 Indigenous Law
				2.4.2.1.2 General Human Rights Law
			2.4.2.2 Consent: Yes, But Under Which Circumstances?
				2.4.2.2.1 Indigenous Law
				2.4.2.2.2 General Human Rights Law
			2.4.2.3 Institutional Autonomy, Gender, and Indigeneity
				2.4.2.3.1 Indigenous Law
				2.4.2.3.2 General Human Rights Law
		2.4.3 Peasants
			2.4.3.1 Peasants, Food Sovereignty, and the State
			2.4.3.2 From Consent to Consultations
			2.4.3.3 Institutional Autonomy, Gender, and Peasantry
		2.4.4 Emerging Understanding
	2.5 FPIC in Transnational Development Law
		2.5.1 Indigenous Peoples+ as Stakeholders
			2.5.1.1 International Financial Institutions
			2.5.1.2 Business and Human Rights Standards
			2.5.1.3 Sector-Specific Standards
		2.5.2 From Consultation to Consent
			2.5.2.1 International Financial Institutions
			2.5.2.2 Business and Human Rights Standards
			2.5.2.3 Sector-Specific Standards
		2.5.3 Women as Stakeholders
			2.5.3.1 International Financial Institutions
			2.5.3.2 Business and Human Rights Standards
			2.5.3.3 Sector-Specific Standards
		2.5.4 Emerging Understanding
	2.6 FPIC in Transnational Environmental Law
		2.6.1 `Indigenous Peoples and Local Communities´ and the State
		2.6.2 Participation instead of Consent
			2.6.2.1 Law-Making
			2.6.2.2 Traditional Resource Rights
			2.6.2.3 People in the Parks
			2.6.2.4 Climate Change Law
		2.6.3 Institutional Autonomy, Gender, and the Environment
		2.6.4 Emerging Understanding
	2.7 The Fragmentation of FPIC
	References
Chapter 3: The National Time-Space: FPIC in the Liberian Fields of Post-Conflict Law-Making
	3.1 The Pre-War Land and Natural Resource Legislation
	3.2 The Liberian Field of Forest Sector Reform: 2003-Today
		3.2.1 Mapping the Field of Forest Sector Reform
		3.2.2 Actors in Relation
			3.2.2.1 Donors and the Fields of Peacebuilding and Development
			3.2.2.2 The Field of Conservation
			3.2.2.3 NGOs and the Field of Human Rights
			3.2.2.4 Government and National Ownership
			3.2.2.5 Logging Industry Representatives
			3.2.2.6 Participatory Exclusions
		3.2.3 A Matter of Negotiation
			3.2.3.1 2003-2007: Getting the Sanctions Lifted
				3.2.3.1.1 FPIC in Commercial Forestry
				3.2.3.1.2 FPIC in Conservation
				3.2.3.1.3 Institutional Autonomy and Gender
			3.2.3.2 2007-2011: The Quarrel About Community Rights
			3.2.3.3 2011-2018: Turning Back the Clock
		3.2.4 FPIC Re-Negotiated
			3.2.4.1 Legal and Administrative Measures
			3.2.4.2 Land and Natural Resources
				3.2.4.2.1 Conservation
				3.2.4.2.2 Community Forestry
					3.2.4.2.2.1 Rights-holders
					3.2.4.2.2.2 Meaning of FPIC
					3.2.4.2.2.3 Institutional Autonomy
					3.2.4.2.2.4 Gender and Community Forestry
		3.2.5 FPIC in the Forestry Sector
	3.3 The Field of the Liberian Land Sector Reform: 2008-Today
		3.3.1 Mapping the Field of Land Sector Reform
		3.3.2 Actors in Relation
			3.3.2.1 Donors and the Field of Development
			3.3.2.2 Government, Parliament, and the Field of Politics
			3.3.2.3 National and International NGOs and the Field of Human Rights
			3.3.2.4 Women´s Land Rights Taskforce: Between Development and Human Rights
			3.3.2.5 Participatory Exclusions
		3.3.3 A Matter of Negotiation
			3.3.3.1 2009-2015: Under the Radar of Politicians
				3.3.3.1.1 Interim Guidelines on the Sale of Public Land
				3.3.3.1.2 Land Rights Policy
				3.3.3.1.3 First LRA Drafts
			3.3.3.2 2016-2017: The Rise of the Field of Politics
				3.3.3.2.1 Land Authority Act
				3.3.3.2.2 2016 LRA Draft
				3.3.3.2.3 2017 LRA Draft
			3.3.3.3 2018: Taking it to the Streets
		3.3.4 FPIC Re-Negotiated
			3.3.4.1 Rights-holders
			3.3.4.2 Meaning of FPIC
				3.3.4.2.1 (Proposed) Protected Areas
				3.3.4.2.2 Concessions
				3.3.4.2.3 Public Land
					3.3.4.2.3.1 Tribal Certificates
				3.3.4.2.4 Eminent Domain
				3.3.4.2.5 Customary Land Management
			3.3.4.3 Institutional Autonomy
			3.3.4.4 Inclusive Governance: The Rise of Women, Men, and Youth
			3.3.4.5 FPIC in the Land Sector
	3.4 FPIC Between the Local and the Female
	References
Chapter 4: The Local Time-Space: FPIC in the Fields of Community Forestry
	4.1 Community Forestry in (a Legally Pluralistic) Context
		4.1.1 Customary Land and Forest Governance
			4.1.1.1 Colonial Interferences
			4.1.1.2 Contemporary Customary Law
			4.1.1.3 State Forestry
		4.1.2 The Operationalization of Community Forestry
			4.1.2.1 Actors
				4.1.2.1.1 Donors and International Organizations
				4.1.2.1.2 Government Actors
				4.1.2.1.3 National and International NGOs
				4.1.2.1.4 The Community Forest Working Group
				4.1.2.1.5 Local Authorities
				4.1.2.1.6 Companies
			4.1.2.2 The 11 Steps
			4.1.2.3 FPIC
	4.2 FPIC in the Beyan Poye Community Forest
		4.2.1 Beyan Poye and the Forest
		4.2.2 Mapping the Field: Actors in Relation
			4.2.2.1 Forestry Development Authority
			4.2.2.2 Akewa
			4.2.2.3 NGOs and Donors
			4.2.2.4 Local Authorities
			4.2.2.5 Gendered Participatory Exclusions
		4.2.3 FPIC in Practice
			4.2.3.1 Community Self-Identification
			4.2.3.2 Identification of Community Land
			4.2.3.3 Community Forest Governance
			4.2.3.4 Forest-Use Decision: `The Cow Business´
		4.2.4 Consent without Alternatives
			4.2.4.1 Roads in Exchange for the Forest
			4.2.4.2 Creating a New Community
			4.2.4.3 `They Told Us to Not Use the Forest Anymore´: Local Forest Uses as Unsustainable
			4.2.4.4 Commercial Forestry as a Pre-Condition for Forest Ownership
	4.3 FPIC in the Sehzueplay Community Forest
		4.3.1 Sehzueplay and the Forest
		4.3.2 Mapping the Field: Actors in Relation
			4.3.2.1 Forestry Development Authority
			4.3.2.2 PROSPER and FIFES
			4.3.2.3 Local Authorities
			4.3.2.4 Opulence
			4.3.2.5 Gendered Participatory Exclusions
		4.3.3 FPIC in Practice
			4.3.3.1 Community Self-Identification
			4.3.3.2 Identification of Community Land
			4.3.3.3 Community Forest Governance
			4.3.3.4 Land-Use Decision
		4.3.4 FPIC Between Conservation and Development
			4.3.4.1 The Fiction of the Uninhabited Forest
			4.3.4.2 Justifying Land Alienation with Conservation
			4.3.4.3 Re-Defining Conservation
			4.3.4.4 Reinforcing and Extending Community Jurisdiction
	4.4 Situating the Findings: FPIC Re-Negotiated
		4.4.1 Rights-Holders: A New Understanding of Community?
		4.4.2 Meaning of FPIC
			4.4.2.1 Community Self-Identification
			4.4.2.2 Identification of Community Land
			4.4.2.3 Forest Governance
			4.4.2.4 Land-Use Decision
	4.5 Consenting to Development
	References
Chapter 5: Conclusion: FPIC´s Journeys
	5.1 FPIC in Global Time-Spaces
	5.2 FPIC in National Time-Spaces
	5.3 FPIC in Local Time-Spaces
	5.4 And Beyond?
	References