Modality and Structure in Signed and Spoken Languages

Cover......Page 1
Half-title......Page 3
Title......Page 5
Copyright......Page 6
Contents......Page 7
Figures......Page 10
Tables......Page 13
Contributors......Page 15
Acknowledgments......Page 19
1.2 What’s the same?......Page 21
1.3 Why is it timely to revisit the issue of modality effects on linguistic structure?......Page 25
1.4.1 The articulators......Page 26
1.4.2 The sensory or perceptual systems......Page 30
1.4.3 The potential of the visual–gestural modality for iconic representation and for indexic/ostensive identification of…......Page 31
1.4.4 The youth of sign languages and their roots in nonlinguistic gesture......Page 32
1.5 What are possible linguistic outcomes of these modality differences? What, if anything, differs between signed and…......Page 33
1.5.1 Not much......Page 34
1.5.2 Statistical tendencies......Page 35
1.5.3 Preferred typological properties differ between signed and spoken languages......Page 36
1.5.4 Rules or typological patterns that are unique to signed or spoken languages......Page 37
1.5.5 Relative uniformity of signed languages vs. relative diversity of spoken languages......Page 38
1.6 Conclusion......Page 40
1.7 References......Page 41
Part I Phonological structure in signed languages......Page 47
References......Page 53
2.1 Introduction......Page 55
2.2.1 Some key differences between vision and audition......Page 56
2.2.2 Introduction to sign language phonology and to the Prosodic Model......Page 58
2.3 The distribution of "consonant” and “vowel” information......Page 65
2.3.1 Consonants and vowels in sign languages......Page 66
2.3.2 Sensitivity to movemen-internal components......Page 67
2.4 Differences concerning segments......Page 71
2.4.1 Segments: Predictable, yet required by the grammar......Page 72
2.4.2 Root nodes and timing slots......Page 74
2.5.1 Word shape......Page 76
2.5.2 Minimal pairs......Page 77
2.6 What comprises a modality-independent phonology?......Page 80
2.7 References......Page 81
3.1 Introduction......Page 85
3.2 Number of repetitions in words and signs......Page 87
3.3 Rhythmic and irregular repetition in words and signs......Page 89
3.4 Representing the data: Multiseg and Oneseg......Page 94
3.4.1 Challenges to Oneseg......Page 101
3.6 References......Page 104
4.1 Introduction......Page 108
4.2.1 Method......Page 109
4.2.2 Results......Page 111
4.2.3 Discussion......Page 112
4.3 Experiment 2: Phoneme monitoring......Page 113
4.3.1 Method......Page 114
4.3.2 Results......Page 115
4.3.3 Discussion......Page 117
4.4 Experiment 3: Sign picture naming......Page 118
4.4.2 Results......Page 120
4.4.3 Discussion......Page 121
4.5 Experiment 4: Phonological similarity......Page 122
4.5.1 Method......Page 124
4.5.3 Discussion......Page 125
4.6 General discussion......Page 127
4.7 References......Page 128
5.1 Introduction......Page 132
5.2 Goals and hypotheses......Page 133
5.3 A serial model of language production......Page 135
5.4 Method: Elicitation of slips of the hand......Page 137
5.5.2 Selection of original slips of the hand......Page 141
5.5.3 Intra-modal and inter-modal comparison with other slip corpora......Page 146
5.6.1 Locus of repair: Signed vs. spoken language......Page 155
5.7 Summary and conclusions......Page 158
5.8 References......Page 159
6.1 Introduction......Page 163
6.2 Language planning and deaf children......Page 164
6.3 An evaluation of Manually Coded English......Page 166
6.3.1 Structural properties......Page 167
6.3.2 Nonlinear affixation......Page 171
6.3.3 Linear affixation......Page 173
6.3.4 MCE acquisition......Page 176
6.4 Discussion and conclusions......Page 177
6.5 References......Page 182
Part II Gesture and iconicity in sign and speech......Page 187
References......Page 193
7.1 Liddell’s proposal that there are gestures in agreement verbs......Page 195
7.2 Objections to the proposal......Page 196
7.3.1 What is a morpheme?......Page 197
7.3.2 What is a gesture?......Page 199
7.4 Spoken gesture......Page 207
7.5.1 The determination of conventionalization is a problem......Page 208
7.5.3 Restrictions on the combination of the gestural and the linguistic......Page 210
7.6 Conclusions......Page 215
References......Page 216
8.1 Introduction......Page 219
8.2 Markers of modality......Page 222
8.2.1 FUTURE......Page 223
8.2.2 CAN......Page 227
8.2.3 MUST......Page 230
8.3 The grammaticization of topic......Page 232
8.3.2 Yes–no questions......Page 233
8.3.3 From yes–no questions to topic marking......Page 234
8.3.4 Textual domain topics: A further grammaticization step......Page 237
8.4 Conclusions......Page 239
8.5 References......Page 240
9.1 Introduction......Page 244
9.2 Methodology......Page 246
9.3 Results......Page 248
9.4 Discussion......Page 252
References......Page 255
Part III Syntax in sign: Few or no effects of modality......Page 257
References......Page 258
10.2 The autonomy of syntax......Page 261
10.2.1 Autonomy and signed languages......Page 262
10.3 “Spatial syntax”......Page 264
10.3.1 The use of space in pronouns and verb agreement......Page 265
10.4.1 The traditional view......Page 266
10.4.2 The problem......Page 268
10.4.3 Why there is verb agreement in ASL......Page 269
10.5 An alternative analysis employing agreement......Page 272
10.5.1 Predictions of this account......Page 274
10.6 Other alternatives......Page 276
10.7 Conclusions......Page 278
10.8 References......Page 279
11.1 Introduction......Page 283
11.2 Distributed morphology......Page 284
11.3.1 French......Page 286
11.3.2 Háusá......Page 288
11.3.3 Gã (Gan)......Page 290
11.3.4 German Sign Language (DGS)......Page 292
11.3.5 Motivating split negation in DGS: A comparison with ASL......Page 295
11.4 More languages, more readjustments......Page 298
11.5 Discussion: What about modality effects?......Page 305
11.6 Conclusion......Page 311
11.7 References......Page 312
12.1 Introduction......Page 316
12.2 Nominal expressions of HKSL......Page 317
12.3.1 Definite determiners......Page 318
12.3.2 Indefinite determiners......Page 321
12.4 Pronouns......Page 325
12.5 Possessives......Page 326
12.6 Predominance of bare nouns: An indication of modality effects?......Page 328
12.7 Mental spaces and nominal expressions: Toward an explanation......Page 330
12.7.1 Bare nouns......Page 332
12.7.2 Determiners......Page 334
12.7.3 Pronouns......Page 335
12.7.4 Possessives......Page 336
12.8 Conclusion......Page 337
12.9 References......Page 338
Part IV Using space and describing space: Pronouns, classifiers, and verb agreement......Page 341
References......Page 346
13.1 Introduction......Page 349
13.2.1 Typological variation in spoken language pronominal systems......Page 350
13.2.2 Typological variation in signed language pronominal systems......Page 353
13.3 Pronominal reference in signed languages: Typological considerations......Page 361
13.3.2 Morphophonological exclusivity......Page 362
13.3.3 Morphological paradigm......Page 363
13.4 Spatial marking in pronominal systems......Page 364
13.4.1 Spatial marking in spoken language pronominal systems......Page 365
13.4.2 Spatial marking: Spoken and signed languages compared......Page 368
13.5 The modality/medium distinction......Page 370
13.6.1 Number marking in signed language pronominal systems......Page 373
13.6.2 Person marking in sign language pronominal systems......Page 374
13.6.3 Gender marking in signed languages......Page 383
13.7 Conclusions......Page 384
Acknowledgments......Page 385
13.8 References......Page 386
14.2 A working definition of verb agreement......Page 390
14.3.2 Simultaneity view......Page 393
14.3.4 R-locus view......Page 394
14.3.5 Liddell’s view......Page 395
14.4.1 Infinity issue = listability issue......Page 397
14.4.2 The representation of linguistic information in verb agreement......Page 398
14.5 Reconciling the linguistic nature of verb agreement with the listability issue......Page 405
14.6.1 Adapting an architecture of grammar......Page 406
14.6.2 Modality differences in the use of the gestural space......Page 408
14.6.3 Phonetic gaps in verb agreement......Page 412
14.7.1 Spoken languages......Page 413
14.7.2 Signed languages......Page 414
14.7.3 Implications......Page 415
14.7.4 Recreolization......Page 417
14.8 Summary......Page 418
14.9 References......Page 420
15.2 Modality effects and the nature of addressee vs. speaker perspective in spatial descriptions......Page 425
15.3 Spatial formats and route vs. survey perspective choice......Page 430
15.4 How speakers and addressees interpret signing space: Reversed space, mirrored space, and shared space......Page 433
15.5 Summary and conclusions......Page 438
15.6 References......Page 439
16.1 Introduction......Page 442
16.2 The challenge for Christopher......Page 444
16.3 Christopher’s psycholinguistic profile......Page 445
16.5.1 Input......Page 447
16.6 Results of Christopher’s learning of BSL......Page 448
16.6.1 Lexical development......Page 449
16.6.2 Morphosyntax......Page 451
16.7 Discussion......Page 457
16.7.1 Modality effects......Page 458
16.8 References......Page 460
17.1 Introduction......Page 462
17.2 Signed language for the blind and sighted: Reviewing similarities and differences......Page 463
17.2.1 Communication in tactile sign language......Page 464
17.2.2 The deictic point in visual ASL......Page 466
17.2.4 The focus of this study......Page 467
17.3.1 Subjects......Page 468
17.3.3 Procedure......Page 469
17.4.2 Differences between the Deaf sighted and Deaf-Blind narratives......Page 470
17.4.3 Accounting for the lack of indexation in the Deaf-Blind narratives......Page 480
17.4.4 Putting it all together......Page 482
17.5 Questions to consider......Page 483
17.6 Conclusions......Page 484
17.7 References......Page 485
Index......Page 489