Markedness: Reduction and Preservation in Phonology

Cover......Page 1
Half-title......Page 3
Series-title......Page 4
Title......Page 7
Copyright......Page 8
Dedication......Page 9
Contents......Page 11
Preface......Page 13
Audience......Page 14
History of this book......Page 15
Acknowledgments......Page 17
Symbols and abbreviations......Page 19
1.1 Aims......Page 21
1.2 Challenges for markedness......Page 24
1.2.1 Some markedness diagnostics do not work all the time......Page 26
1.2.2 Marked elements are favoured......Page 27
1.2.3 Markedness distinctions are conflated......Page 29
1.3 Solutions......Page 30
1.3.1 Competence......Page 31
1.3.1.1.1 Typological frequency......Page 32
1.3.1.1.2 Other frequencies......Page 35
1.3.1.1.3 Diachronic change and loan phonology......Page 36
1.3.1.1.4 Language acquisition and disorder......Page 38
1.3.1.1.5 Summary......Page 39
1.3.1.2 C-markedness and synchronic alternations......Page 40
1.3.2 Preservation of the marked......Page 42
1.3.3 Markedness conflation and stringent form......Page 44
1.3.4 Markedness reversals......Page 45
1.4.1 Valid diagnostics......Page 47
1.4.2 Invalid diagnostics......Page 49
1.5 Markedness: an outline......Page 51
2.1 Aims......Page 53
2.2 Markedness hierarchies......Page 54
2.2.1 The PoA hierarchy......Page 55
2.2.1.1.1 Interpretation of [glottal]1......Page 57
2.2.1.1.2 Phonological evidence for [N]......Page 59
2.2.1.1.3 Comparison with Trigo (1988)......Page 61
2.2.2.1 Evidence for dominance......Page 62
2.2.2.2 Binary vs. multi-valued hierarchies......Page 63
2.2.3 Markedness and environment......Page 64
2.3 Theory and formalism......Page 66
2.3.1 Constraint violations......Page 67
2.3.1.1 Hierarchies and output constraints......Page 68
2.3.1.1.1 Formal schema......Page 69
2.3.1.1.2 Stringency and conflation......Page 70
2.3.1.2 Hierarchies and faithfulness constraints......Page 72
2.3.1.3 Previous theories......Page 74
2.3.2 Structural descriptions......Page 75
2.3.2.1 Multi-valued features......Page 76
2.3.2.1.1 Multi-valued and binary features......Page 77
2.3.2.2 Constraint form......Page 79
2.3.2.2.1 Disjunction......Page 80
2.3.2.2.2 Faithfulness......Page 81
2.3.3 Environment and subcategories......Page 82
2.3.3.1 DTEs and non-DTEs......Page 83
2.3.3.1.1 Constraint form......Page 86
2.3.3.2 Subsegmental and prosodic hierarchies......Page 89
2.3.3.3 Manner of articulation: subcategories of constraints......Page 90
2.4 Discovering hierarchies......Page 92
2.4.3 Supra- and subsegmental hierarchies......Page 93
2.4.5 Non-existing hierarchies......Page 94
2.5 Summary......Page 95
3.1 The visibility of markedness reduction......Page 98
3.2.1 An epenthetic typology......Page 99
3.2.2 Glottal epenthesis: PoA beats sonority......Page 102
3.2.2.1 Manner of articulation......Page 106
3.2.2.2 The subordination of assimilation and dissimilation......Page 107
3.2.3 Coronal epenthesis: sonority beats PoA......Page 108
3.2.3.1 Why [t]?......Page 113
3.2.3.2 Glottal sonority......Page 114
3.2.3.3 Glottal Elimination is not related to PoA......Page 116
3.2.3.4 Summary......Page 118
3.2.4.1 Coda Sonority......Page 119
3.2.4.2 Manner assimilation......Page 121
3.2.4.3 Epenthetic labials and palatals......Page 124
3.2.5 Impossible epenthetic segments......Page 127
3.2.5.1 Epenthetic [d s zl]......Page 128
3.2.6 Summary......Page 129
3.3 The output of neutralization......Page 130
3.3.1 The irrelevance of faithfulness for neutralization outputs......Page 132
3.3.1.1 Faithfulness......Page 135
3.3.1.2 Ranking summary......Page 136
3.3.2 Coronal promotion......Page 137
3.3.2.1 More on conflict: voicing and sonority......Page 142
3.3.3 Glottal neutralization......Page 144
3.3.3.1 Miogliola /N/→[n]......Page 146
3.3.4 Neutralization to [w]......Page 147
3.3.5 Can labials and dorsals be promoted?......Page 148
3.3.6 Summary......Page 152
3.4.1 Synchronic alternations......Page 153
3.4.2.1 Mono-segmental morphemes in Koava and elsewhere......Page 155
3.4.2.2 Suppletion......Page 158
3.4.3 [N]......Page 162
3.5 Conclusions......Page 164
4.1 Introduction......Page 166
4.2.1 Preservation of the Marked in Yamphu......Page 168
4.2.1.1 Neutralization......Page 171
4.2.1.1.1 The need for PoM-faithfulness......Page 173
4.2.1.2 Assimilation and Deletion......Page 174
4.2.1.3 Beyond stops......Page 177
4.2.1.4 Neutralization ranking......Page 179
4.2.2 Typological implications......Page 181
4.2.2.1 Inventories and neutralizations......Page 182
4.2.2.1.1 Neutralization outside codas......Page 184
4.2.2.2 The Glottal/Coronal Universal and disharmonic inventories......Page 186
4.2.2.3.1 Nasal coalescence......Page 189
4.2.2.3.2 Stop sonorization......Page 191
4.3 Undergoers of assimilation......Page 193
4.3.1 Unmarked undergoers and Preservation of the Marked9......Page 195
4.3.1.1.1 Blocking labial and dorsal assimilation......Page 197
4.3.1.1.2 Avoiding other outcomes......Page 198
4.3.1.1.3 Direction of assimilation......Page 199
4.3.1.2 Stop gemination......Page 200
4.3.2 Marked undergoers and markedness reduction......Page 202
4.3.2.1 Motivating assimilation......Page 203
4.3.2.2 Analysis......Page 206
4.3.3 Typology......Page 211
4.3.3.1 Unmarked undergoers......Page 213
4.3.3.2 Marked and mixed undergoer systems......Page 215
4.3.4 Summary......Page 221
4.4.1 Output-only alternatives......Page 222
4.4.2 Are PoM-faithfulness constraints enough?......Page 225
4.5 Summary: overt and covert markedness......Page 226
5.1 Introduction......Page 228
5.2 PoA conflation......Page 230
5.2.1 Blocking and conflation......Page 232
5.2.2 Fixed ranking and conflation......Page 235
5.2.3 Verb-noun asymmetries and supporting evidence......Page 237
5.2.4 Preventing conflation: uvulars......Page 239
5.2.5 Summary......Page 243
5.3 Conflation prevention and vowel sonority......Page 244
5.3.1.1 The Dutch data......Page 245
5.3.1.2 Analysis......Page 246
5.3.1.3 Preventing conflation......Page 248
5.3.1.4 Permitting conflation......Page 250
5.3.2.1 Description......Page 252
5.3.2.1.1 Evidence for stress......Page 255
5.3.2.2 Sonority-driven stress I: attraction to [a]......Page 256
5.3.2.3 Sonority-driven stress II: avoidance of…......Page 259
5.3.2.4 Conflation......Page 260
5.4 Alternatives......Page 264
5.4.1 Representational approaches......Page 265
5.4.2 Binary features......Page 267
5.5 Summary......Page 269
6.1 Introduction......Page 272
6.2.1 Bi-directional assimilation......Page 274
6.2.2 Conflation......Page 276
6.2.4 Faithfulness foixed ranking......Page 279
6.2.5 Summary......Page 280
6.3.1 Description......Page 282
6.3.1.1 Coalescence Generalizations......Page 283
6.3.1.1.1 Details about the data......Page 284
6.3.2 Analysis......Page 286
6.3.2.1 Preservation of the Marked: dorsals......Page 288
6.3.2.2 Faithfulness conflation: labials......Page 289
6.3.2.3 Fixed ranking......Page 292
6.3.2.3.1 Alternative faithfulness constraints......Page 293
6.3.2.3.2 All Fixed Ranking theories......Page 294
6.3.2.4 Minor PoA......Page 295
6.3.2.5 Preservation of the Marked II: other features......Page 297
6.4 Domain faithfulness and the majority rules problem......Page 299
6.4.1 Domain faithfulness......Page 300
6.4.2 Swedish and Pali again......Page 301
6.4.3 Summary, extensions, and alternatives......Page 303
6.5 Summary......Page 304
7.1 Introduction......Page 306
7.2 Vowel epenthesis......Page 307
7.2.1 The spectrum of epenthesis......Page 309
7.2.2 High-sonority epenthesis in Coos......Page 311
7.2.2.1 Alternative analyses......Page 313
7.2.3 Low-sonority epenthesis......Page 314
7.2.4 A sonority compromise......Page 316
7.2.4.1 Epenthetic mid vowels......Page 318
7.2.5 Universals of epenthetic quality......Page 319
7.2.5.1 [o] epenthesis......Page 320
7.2.5.2 [u] epenthesis......Page 321
7.2.5.3 [œ]/[ø] epenthesis......Page 323
7.2.5.5 Back unround epenthesis:…......Page 324
7.2.6 Conclusion......Page 325
7.3.1 Vowel sonority in inventories......Page 326
7.3.1.1 Harmonically contiguous vowel inventories......Page 328
7.3.1.1.1 Unstressed vowel inventories......Page 330
7.3.1.2 Gapped inventories......Page 332
7.3.1.3 Disharmonic vowel inventories......Page 335
7.3.2 Direction of vowel sonority neutralization......Page 336
7.3.2.1 Sonorization and desonorization......Page 337
7.3.2.2 Conflicting demands......Page 340
7.3.2.2.1 Berguener Romansh unstressed ‘dispersion’......Page 341
7.3.2.2.2 Mid vowels are not special......Page 346
7.3.2.3 Impossible neutralization directions......Page 347
7.4 Prosodification......Page 348
7.5 Summary......Page 351
8.1 Introduction......Page 353
8.1.1 Naming the theory......Page 354
8.2 Predictions......Page 355
8.2.1 Invalid diagnostics......Page 358
8.2.2 Valid diagnostics......Page 362
8.2.2.1 Variation......Page 364
8.2.3 Labial unmarkedness and a theory of diagnostics......Page 365
8.3 Markedness exists......Page 368
8.3.1 Performance, not Competence......Page 370
8.3.3 Many diachronic rights can create synchronic wrongs......Page 372
8.3.4 No craziness......Page 374
8.4 Representational complexity is not markedness......Page 375
8.4.1.1 Targets......Page 377
8.4.1.2.1 Placeless segments must undergo assimilation......Page 381
8.4.1.2.2 Placeless segments cannot undergo dissimilation......Page 382
8.4.1.3 Triggers......Page 383
8.4.1.4 Blockers......Page 384
8.4.2 Default variability and elaborated representation5......Page 386
8.4.2.3 Default Variability......Page 387
8.4.2.4 Velar unmarkedness......Page 389
8.4.2.6 Restrictions on default variability......Page 391
8.4.2.7 Other diagnostics for velar unmarkedness......Page 394
8.4.3 Conflicting diagnostics......Page 395
8.4.4 Conclusions......Page 399
8.5 Non-contrastive markedness......Page 400
8.5.1 Predictions......Page 401
8.5.1.1 Inventory formation is neutralization......Page 403
8.5.1.2 Which theory is right?......Page 404
8.5.1.4 More on contrast-markedness......Page 406
8.6 Markedness is absolute......Page 407
8.6.1 A relative markedness approach to SLP creole......Page 408
8.6.2.1 Dorsal undergoers......Page 410
8.6.2.2 Unattested systems......Page 412
8.6.2.3 Triggers......Page 413
8.6.3 Conclusions......Page 414
8.7 Markedness is expressed in both output and preservation constraints......Page 415
8.7.1 The need for output constraints......Page 416
8.7.2 Segmental vs. featural correspondence......Page 417
8.7.3 Reference to the least marked......Page 419
8.8 Conclusions......Page 422
9.1 Markedness......Page 424
9.2 Markedness in the future......Page 427
References......Page 429
Subject index......Page 460
Language index......Page 464