Lexical Semantics, Syntax, and Event Structure (Oxford Studies in Theoretical Linguistics)

Contents......Page 6
General Preface......Page 12
Notes on Contributors......Page 14
1.2 Linguistic representations of event structure......Page 18
1.3 Specific issues and the structure of the volume......Page 21
1.3.1 Lexical representation......Page 22
1.3.2 Argument structure and the compositional construction of predicates......Page 25
1.3.3 Syntactic and semantic composition of event structure......Page 29
1.4 A tribute to Professor Anita Mittwoch......Page 33
Part I: Lexical Representation......Page 36
2. Reflections on Manner/Result Complementarity......Page 38
2.1 Roots and event schemas......Page 40
2.2 The lexicalization constraint......Page 42
2.3 Refining the notions of manner and result......Page 43
2.4 Manner and result as scalar and non-scalar changes......Page 45
2.5 A motivation for the lexicalization constraint......Page 50
2.6 The lexicalization constraint in a larger context......Page 52
2.7 Concluding remarks......Page 53
3.1 Semantic frames: profile and background frame......Page 56
3.2 Verbs......Page 58
3.3 Previously proposed constraints on a verb meaning......Page 59
3.4 Predications designated by combinations of verb and construction......Page 68
3.5 Conclusion......Page 74
4. Contact and Other Results......Page 76
4.1 The theory of atoms......Page 78
4.2 Alternating contact verbs......Page 85
4.3 ‘Splash’—similar but different......Page 88
4.4 Conclusion......Page 92
5. The Lexical Encoding of Idioms......Page 93
5.1 Defining properties of idioms......Page 94
5.2 (Non-)compositionality......Page 99
5.3 Structuring the lexicon......Page 104
5.4 The lexical representation of idioms......Page 109
5.5. Conclusion......Page 114
Part II: Argument Structure and the Compositional Construction of Predicates......Page 116
6. The Emergence of Argument Structure in Two New Sign Languages......Page 118
6.1 History and social settings of two new sign languages......Page 120
6.2 Relevant aspects of sign language structure: referential system and verb agreement......Page 122
6.4 Emergence of argument structure: initial stages......Page 125
6.5 Later developments: emergence of grammatical systems......Page 129
6.6. Conclusion......Page 137
7. Animacy in Blackfoot: Implications for Event Structure and Clause Structure......Page 141
7.1 Blackfoot finals do not express event structure......Page 143
7.2 Blackfoot finals do not express argument structure......Page 150
7.3 Animacy, agency, and verb classification......Page 156
7.4 Finals are light verbs (v)......Page 164
7.5 Conclusion......Page 168
8. Lexicon versus Syntax: Evidence from Morphological Causatives......Page 170
8.1 Setting the stage......Page 172
8.2 Two types of causatives......Page 175
8.3 No access to syntactic structure......Page 182
8.4 The formation of morphological causatives......Page 187
9.1 Setting the stage......Page 194
9.2 Structures and morphological patterns of (anti)causatives......Page 198
9.3 English de-transitivization processes......Page 213
9.4 Productivity of the alternation......Page 215
9.5 Conclusion......Page 220
10. Saturated Adjectives, Reified Properties......Page 221
10.1 The basic facts......Page 223
10.2 The analysis......Page 226
10.3 The broader relevance of R and SAT......Page 237
10.4 Conclusion and further implications......Page 240
Part III: Syntactic and Semantic Composition of Event Structure......Page 244
11.1 Two problems......Page 246
11.2 Previous accounts......Page 247
11.3 Predicate types which allow modification by aspectual for-phrases......Page 251
11.4 Our proposal......Page 252
11.5 Accounting for the facts about aspectual for-phrases......Page 258
12. Event Measurement and Containment......Page 269
12.1 The length of atelic eventualities......Page 270
12.2 Why no double measuring......Page 271
12.3 The length of telic eventualities......Page 274
12.4 Further peculiarities of telic adverbials......Page 275
12.5 Comparison with the take construction......Page 281
12.6 Conclusion......Page 282
13. Draw......Page 284
13.1 Drawing in Hungarian......Page 287
13.2 Analysing draw......Page 292
13.3 A comparison with Forbes (2003)......Page 296
13.4 Conclusion......Page 299
14. Morphological Aspect and the Function and Distribution of Cognate Objects Across Languages......Page 301
14.1 Cognate objects across languages......Page 302
14.2 Further ramifications......Page 317
14.3 A solution......Page 320
14.4 Conclusions......Page 324
15. Locales......Page 326
15.1 Licensing V1 with locales......Page 332
15.2 What do locales license?......Page 338
15.3 Back to locales......Page 344
15.4 Licensing telicity with locales......Page 350
15.5 Conclusion......Page 353
16. Modal and Temporal Aspects of Habituality......Page 355
16.1 Background: the perfective/imperfective aspectual operators......Page 356
16.2 Habituality and aspect......Page 357
16.3 The nature of retrospective habituals......Page 364
16.4 The modal nature of habituality......Page 369
16.5 The structure of habituality......Page 372
16.6 Comparison with other analyses......Page 375
16.7 Conclusion......Page 379
References......Page 381
D......Page 410
K......Page 411
R......Page 412
Z......Page 413
C......Page 414
I......Page 415
P......Page 416
T......Page 417
W......Page 418
Index of Languages......Page 419