Ergativity and Other Alignment Types in Neo-Aramaic: Investigating Morphosyntactic Microvariation

‎Contents
‎Preface
‎Figures, Maps and Tables
‎Abbreviations and Symbols
‎Chapter 1. Introduction
	‎1.1. Ergativity, an Enigma in Semitic Linguistics?
	‎1.2. Neo-Aramaic Dialects in the Land of Rivers
		‎1.2.1. Above the Tigris: Northeastern Neo-Aramaic (NENA) Dialect Bundle
		‎1.2.2. Below the Tigris: Dialects of Ṭur ʿAbdin
		‎1.2.3. Writing a Spoken Language: Sociolinguistic Factors
		‎1.2.4. Converging Neighbors: Areal Factors
	‎1.5. Previous Approaches to Alignment in Eastern Neo-Aramaic
		‎1.5.1. Early Scholarship: Passive or Possessive
		‎1.5.2. Recent Typological Approaches
	‎1.6. Aims and Scope of This Book
	‎1.7. Sources and Transcription Conventions
	‎1.8. Outline
‎Chapter 2. Who Did What to Whom in the Context of Neo-Aramaic
	‎2.1. Main Components of Verbal Inflection in Neo-Aramaic
		‎2.1.1. Verbal Roots
		‎2.1.2. Basic Stems qaṭəl-/qoṭəl–vs. qṭil–and Their Derivations
		‎2.1.3. Sets of Person Markers: E-suffixes and L-suffixes
		‎2.1.4. Preverbal TAM-marking and the -wa-affix
	‎2.2. (Pro)nominals and Verbal Constructions Derived from (Pro)nominals
		‎2.2.1. Nominal Inflection
		‎2.2.2. Unmarked vs. Prepositional Pronouns
		‎2.2.3. Possession
		‎2.2.4. Nouns as Verbs and Verbs as Nouns: Non-verbal Clauses and Nominal Forms of the Verb
		‎2.2.5. Objects on ‘Nouny’ Verbs
	‎2.3. Defining and Identifying the Alignment of Who Did What to Whom
		‎2.3.1. Arguments in the Clause and Their Core Functions
		‎2.3.2. Alignment: Morphological Properties
		‎2.3.3. Syntactic Properties: Role and Reference Inversion in Neo-Aramaic
	‎2.4. Conclusion: A Construction-Specific Approach
	‎2.5. Overviews of Inflection
‎Chapter 3. Ergativity and Its Typology: The Trans-Zab Jewish Dialects
	‎3.1. Main Morphosyntactic Hallmarks
		‎3.1.1. Verb-Final Word Order
		‎3.1.2. Prepositional Marking of Objects
		‎3.1.3. Verbal Inflection and Person Marking
	‎3.2. Ergativity and Alignment Splits in Typological Perspectives
		‎3.2.1. Clause- and Verb-Related Factors for Alignment Splits
		‎3.2.2. Argument-Related Factors for Alignment Splits: Prominence
	‎3.3. Ergativity and Patient-Related Splits in Trans-Zab Jewish NENA
		‎3.3.1. Alignment of qṭil- in Southeastern Trans-Zab Jewish Dialects
		‎3.3.2. Comparative Syntax of Trans-Zab Jewish Dialects
	‎3.4. Ergativity and Splits along the Tense-Aspect-Mood Scale
		‎3.4.1. Filling the Gap of the Transitive Perfect
		‎3.4.2. Arbel: Accusative
		‎3.4.3. Rustaqa: Ergative and Tripartite Resultative
		‎3.4.4. Koy Sanjaq: Competing Resultatives
		‎3.4.5. Urmi: Mixing Resultatives
		‎3.4.6. Sulemaniyya: Gender-Conditioned Ergativity
		‎3.4.7. Jewish NENA in West Iran: Ergative Third Person
	‎3.5. Ergativity and Transitivity: Argument Omission and Valency Alternations
		‎3.5.1. Patient Omission: Lexical Transitivity
		‎3.5.2. Agent Omission: Ergative and Antipassive Typology
		‎3.5.3. Agent Omission in Compound Verbal Forms in West Iranian Jewish Dialects of NENA
		‎3.5.4. Transitivity and Alternations in Northwest Iranian Jewish Dialects of NENA
	‎3.6. Conclusion: Construction-Specific, Not Alignment-Specific Factors
‎Chapter 4. Christian and Western Jewish Dialects of NENA
	‎4.1. Preliminary Notes on Morphosyntax
		‎4.1.1. Person Marking in Transitive Perfective Past Constructions
		‎4.1.2. The Copula and Compound Veral Forms
		‎4.1.3. Prepositional Marking of Agents
	‎4.2. Ergative or Passive? Agents in and out of Focus
		‎4.2.1. The Importance of Zero
		‎4.2.2. On Agent (De)focusing and Passive Typology
		‎4.2.3. Passive-Like Properties and Anticausatives
		‎4.2.4. Ergative-Like Properties
	‎4.3. Verb-Related Factors: Grammaticalization of Resultatives
		‎4.3.1. Tense-Aspect Associated Person Marking: s and a
		‎4.3.2. Transitivization of Compound Verbal Constructions
	‎4.4. Argument-Related Factors: Harmonizing the Object
		‎4.4.1. Person-Role Constraints
		‎4.4.2. Alternative I: Independent Object Pronouns
		‎4.4.3. Alternative II: Stacking of L-suffixes
		‎4.4.4. Alternative III: Mixing of L- and E-suffixes
		‎4.4.5. Alternative IV: qam-qaṭəl-construction
	‎4.5. Conclusion: Cross-System Harmonization
‎Chapter 5. Below the Tigris: The Neo-Aramaic Dialects of Ṭur ʿAbdin and Mlaḥsó
	‎5.1. Morphosyntactic Traits of Central Neo-Aramaic
		‎5.1.1. Stems Disengaged: *məqṭol- vs. *qoṭəl-
		‎5.1.2. Stems Entangled: Phonological Reduction
		‎5.1.3. Unmarked and Prepositional Pronouns
		‎5.1.4. Differential Object Marking and Word Order
	‎5.2. The Neo-Aramaic Dialects of Ṭur ʿAbdin
		‎5.2.1. Patient-Related Factors
		‎5.2.2. Agent-Related Factors: Optional Flagging
		‎5.2.3. Voice and Other Verb-Related Factors: *qṭil- vs. *qaṭṭil-
	‎5.3. The Neo-Aramaic Dialect of Mlaḥsó
		‎5.3.1. Alignment of Person Marking
		‎5.3.2. Neutralizing Subject Coding: Mediopassive with L-suffixes
		‎5.3.3. Special Perfect Forms Based on *qaṭṭil-
	‎5.4. The Primacy of Intransitive Coding
	‎5.5. Summary from Stem to Stern
‎Chapter 6. Cross-Dialectal Synopsis of the Morphosyntax
	‎6.1. Tense-Aspect-Sensitive Splits
		‎6.1.1. The Tense-Aspect-Mood Scale
		‎6.1.2. From Stative-Resultative to Preterit
	‎6.2. Morphological Splits
		‎6.2.1. Prepositional and Verbal Person Marking Entangled
		‎6.2.2. Ergative-Like Markedness
		‎6.2.3. Role Reference Inversion
		‎6.2.4. What about Ditransitives?
	‎6.3. Splits and Transitivity Alternations
		‎6.3.1. Contextualizing the Agent
		‎6.3.2. Recovering the Patient
		‎6.3.3. Split Intransitivity
	‎6.4. Splits Based on Argument Properties
		‎6.4.1. Patient-Related Scales
		‎6.4.2. Agent-Related Scales
‎Chapter 7. General Conclusion
	‎7.1. Constructions Leading a Life of Their Own
		‎7.1.1. Identifying Argument Groupings
		‎7.1.2. Ergativity from Typological Perspectives
		‎7.1.3. Recommendations for Future Research
	‎7.2. A Taxonomy of Major Alignment Types
		‎7.2.1. Accusative Alignment (a=s≠p)
		‎7.2.2. Ergative Alignment (a≠s=p)
		‎7.2.3. Other Basic Alignment Types
‎References
‎Index of Languages and Geographical Names
‎Index of Subjects