Derivation and Explanation in the Minimalist Program

Derivation and Explanation in the Minimalist Program......Page 5
Contents......Page 7
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS......Page 12
LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS......Page 13
1 Explanation through minimization......Page 14
2 Derivation and explanation in the Minimalist Program......Page 17
2.1 The computational process......Page 18
2.2 Was GB nonderivational?......Page 19
2.3 Which type of derivational theory is preferable?......Page 20
2.4 Explanation through representational minimization......Page 21
2.5 Summary......Page 22
3 The articles......Page 23
1.1 Restrictiveness and duplication......Page 32
2.1 Derivational theories and weak representationality......Page 35
2.2 Restrictiveness again......Page 38
3.1 Derivational definition......Page 40
3.2 Derivational explanation?......Page 42
3.3 Domination......Page 45
4 Summary......Page 46
2 ELIMINATING LABELS......Page 55
1 Basic properties of X′-Theory......Page 57
2 Selection......Page 62
2.1 Subcategorization and Merge......Page 67
2.2 Accessibility......Page 68
3 The Minimal Link Condition......Page 70
4 Labels at the PF interface......Page 72
5 Conclusion......Page 74
1 Introduction: the role of Minimalist method......Page 78
2.1 Background: the DBP feature system......Page 80
2.2 The general DBP argument that Spell Out must be strongly cyclic......Page 82
3 The problem with the general argument that Spell Out must be strongly cyclic......Page 84
4 A derivational approach to the problem of cyclic Spell Out......Page 87
4.1 A single representation?......Page 89
5 Phasal Spell Out......Page 90
5.1 Why vP and CP?......Page 91
5.2 Global lookback?......Page 92
5.3 Simultaneity?......Page 95
6 Summary......Page 97
1 Filters versus constrained operations......Page 103
3 Redundancy......Page 107
4 Optimal design......Page 108
5 Crash-proof selection......Page 109
6 The Case Filter......Page 110
7 The Chain Condition......Page 114
8 Conclusion......Page 116
1 Introduction......Page 119
2 Basic mechanics......Page 120
3 An important prediction......Page 122
4 QI island inducers......Page 124
5 LF islands without binary quantification?......Page 126
6 Binary quantifiers with no associated LF islands?......Page 129
7 A “definiteness effect” in nonexistential contexts......Page 131
8 Neg-Raising......Page 133
9 The interpretation of weak determiners......Page 137
10 A binary treatment for negation......Page 138
11 Conclusions and further questions......Page 141
1 Introduction......Page 146
2 Clitic doubling......Page 147
4 Control......Page 148
5 Merge and Move......Page 149
6 Condition C......Page 150
7 More on Condition C and on apparently antecedent-less pronouns......Page 151
8 Strong crossover......Page 154
9 Condition B......Page 156
11 English-type reflexives......Page 160
12 zich-type reflexives......Page 161
13 Backwards pronominalization......Page 163
14 Epithets again......Page 165
15 Condition C reconstruction effects......Page 166
16 Further Condition C reconstruction effects......Page 168
18 Circularity......Page 169
19 “Transitivity of coreference”......Page 170
21 Conclusion......Page 171
1 Scrambling and binding relations......Page 180
2 Specifying the mechanisms of scrambling......Page 184
3 A strongly derivational model of syntax......Page 186
4 A derivational analysis of binding relations......Page 188
5 Long-distance scrambling......Page 191
6 Summary......Page 192
1 Background......Page 197
2 The core pattern and some initial issues......Page 198
3 The form of complementizers......Page 201
4 An earlier analysis......Page 204
5 Mixed chains – movement and binding......Page 206
5.1 Pattern 1......Page 207
5.2 Pattern 2......Page 210
5.3 Pattern 3......Page 212
5.4 Implications......Page 214
6 Analysis......Page 215
6.1 Two features......Page 216
6.2 Successive cyclic effects......Page 217
6.3 Implications......Page 218
7 Adjunct extraction......Page 219
8 A final challenge......Page 226
9 Summary and conclusion......Page 231
9 VERY LOCAL A′ MOVEMENT IN A ROOT-FIRST DERIVATION......Page 240
1 Expletive–associate relations......Page 242
2 Sinking and non-Sinking......Page 244
3.1 Inner tough-movement......Page 249
3.2 Vacuous movement......Page 250
3.3 Contained relative clauses in Japanese......Page 251
3.4 Tense islands......Page 253
3.5 Persian scrambling......Page 254
3.6 Tagalog extraction......Page 256
4 Conclusion......Page 258
1 Introduction......Page 262
1.1 Background......Page 263
1.2 Background assumptions......Page 264
2 Strict derivationality: the first two arguments from Romance......Page 265
2.1 The first argument: French and Italian......Page 266
2.2 The second argument: Spanish versus French/Italian......Page 267
3.1 Raising-to-object or control?......Page 273
4 Conclusion......Page 277
1 Introduction......Page 282
2 Anaphoricity as acquired information......Page 285
3.1 Asymmetry......Page 288
3.2 Obviation (Principle C)......Page 289
3.3 Obligatoriness......Page 290
3.5 C-command......Page 291
3.6 Locality......Page 292
3.7 Binding restricted to A-positions......Page 293
3.8 Local obviation (Principle B)......Page 295
3.9 Absence of nominative anaphors......Page 296
3.10 Conclusion......Page 297
4 Other types of anaphora......Page 298
5 Reconstruction......Page 303
6 A few words on remaining problems......Page 306
7 Conclusion......Page 307
INDEX......Page 318