Comparative Studies in Germanic Syntax: From Afrikaans to Zurich German (Linguistik Aktuell Linguistics Today)

Comparative Studies in Germanic Syntax......Page 2
Editorial page......Page 3
Title page......Page 4
LCC data......Page 5
Table of contents......Page 6
From Afrikaans to Zurich German......Page 8
References......Page 15
I. Studies on predication......Page 18
The Nom/Acc alternation in Germanic......Page 20
1. Introduction......Page 21
2. The distribution of Nom/Acc across the Germanic languages......Page 22
2.1. Germanic relational case-marking......Page 23
2.2. Non-Burzionian accusatives......Page 25
2.3. The Germanic predicative Nom/Acc variation......Page 37
3. Relational case......Page 44
4. The nature of the predicative Nom/Acc variation......Page 48
5. Conclusion......Page 52
References......Page 53
1. Introduction......Page 58
2. Restrictions on object shift as a phonological phenomenon......Page 60
3. Shape conservation as an explanation for object shift......Page 66
4. Particle constructions......Page 70
5. Predication theory......Page 74
6. Shape distortion......Page 83
6.1. DO-IO reorderings......Page 85
6.2. The `inverse Holmberg effect'......Page 89
7. Conclusion......Page 91
References......Page 92
1. Introduction......Page 96
2. Coordinated predicates in comparative perspective......Page 99
3. The base structure of Afrikaans coordinated predicates......Page 102
3.2. Distribution of adverbs......Page 103
3.3. Distribution of objects......Page 104
3.4. Distribution of separable particles......Page 105
3.5. Summary of distributions......Page 107
4. Coordination and feature bundles......Page 108
5. Deriving the base structure for ILV constructions......Page 109
5.1. Implications of the LCL for coordinated feature bundles......Page 110
5.2. Deriving a simplex initial......Page 111
5.3. Creating and moving a complex initial......Page 112
6. Other types of moved verbal clusters......Page 115
7. Conclusion......Page 119
References......Page 120
1. Introduction......Page 122
2. Bare singular nominals......Page 123
3.1. Embedding under `consider'......Page 126
3.2. Topicalisation......Page 127
3.3. Pseudoclefting......Page 128
3.5. Coordination......Page 129
3.6. Summing up the tests......Page 130
4. Definite nominal phrases......Page 131
5.1. Postnominal possessors......Page 133
5.2. Prenominal possessors......Page 136
6. Strong quantifiers, demonstratives, and personal pronouns......Page 140
7. The Pred head......Page 143
8. Conclusion......Page 144
References......Page 145
II. Studies on the (pro)nominal system......Page 148
1. Introduction......Page 150
2. Morphological vs. semantic number......Page 153
3. Pronominal noun phrases exhibit semantic agreement......Page 155
3.1. Morphological dis-agreement: Pronoun(pl) + noun(sg)......Page 156
3.2. Morphological dis-agreement: pronoun(sg) + noun(pl)......Page 158
4. Pronominal noun phrases contain "individualizable'' and concrete nouns......Page 160
5. The proposal......Page 162
5.1. Accounting for morphological dis-agreement......Page 163
5.2. Alternative analyses......Page 165
5.3. Accounting for the semantic properties of Spec,DisP......Page 166
6.1. Semantic number is not feature checking......Page 168
6.2. Ruling out DP-internal semantic dis-agreement......Page 174
6.3. Ruling out DP-external semantic dis-agreement......Page 177
7.1. Some non-canonical cases......Page 178
7.2. The inventory of null nouns......Page 181
8.1. Semantic agreement is not a sufficient condition......Page 182
8.2. Ruling out overgeneration due to DisP......Page 183
References......Page 185
1. Introduction......Page 188
2. Number neutralisation in Dutch je `you'......Page 189
3.2. A comparative argument......Page 191
3.4. Diachronic evidence......Page 192
4. Kayne's syntactic theory of number neutralisation......Page 194
5.1. Middle Dutch 'hem'......Page 195
5.2. Number neutralisation in Modern Dutch ze......Page 197
5.3. Discourse properties of 'ze'......Page 202
6. An application: The rise of English 'they'......Page 204
7. Conclusions......Page 205
References......Page 206
1. Introduction: Relativization in Zurich German......Page 208
1.2. Distribution of resumptive pronouns: Local relativization......Page 209
1.3. Distribution of resumptive pronouns: Long-distance relativization......Page 210
2.1. Locative relatives and aboutness relatives: Adverbial wo......Page 211
2.3. Advantages......Page 212
3.1. There seems to be a copy of the external head inside the relative......Page 214
3.2. Reconstruction into the embedded clause......Page 216
3.3. Obligatoriness of the resumptive......Page 218
4. Proposal: Long relativization as resumptive prolepsis......Page 219
4.1. The derivation in the matrix clause: Against a phrasal wo......Page 220
4.2. Reconstruction into an opaque domain?......Page 223
4.3. Movement in the complement CP derives a predicate......Page 225
4.4. The link between the operator in the complement and the proleptic object: ellipsis......Page 228
4.5. Why a resumptive?......Page 233
5. A remaining issue: Locality and reconstruction......Page 235
6. Resumptive prolepsis in Standard German and Dutch......Page 237
References......Page 239
III. Historical studies......Page 242
1. Introduction......Page 244
2. The first appearances of have with come......Page 246
3. Isolating the counterfactual effect......Page 251
4. Towards an explanation......Page 257
5. Some cross-linguistic notes......Page 262
6. Problems for other theories of auxiliary selection......Page 264
7. Conclusion and open questions......Page 267
References......Page 268
The loss of residual "head-final'' orders and remnant fronting in Late Middle English......Page 270
1. Introduction......Page 271
2. EPP-satisfaction and pied-piping......Page 272
3.1. Stylistic fronting......Page 277
3.2. Verb (Projection) Raising alternations......Page 287
3.3. Conclusion......Page 291
4.1. OV orders with modals in 15th-century English......Page 292
4.2. The loss of vP-movement......Page 295
4.3. The reanalysis of the modals in ENE......Page 298
5. Conclusion......Page 300
References......Page 301
1. Introduction......Page 306
2. The development of suffixes in the history of English and German......Page 310
3.1. Headedness, the X-bar schema and referentiality......Page 315
3.2. Consequences for an analysis of the diachronic data: Loss of structure and loss of referentiality......Page 320
4. Further evidence: The rise of genitive compounds in the history of German and English......Page 322
4.1. German......Page 323
4.2. English......Page 327
References......Page 333
Index......Page 336
The series Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today......Page 340