Benefactives and Malefactives: Typological Perspectives and Case Studies

Benefactives and Malefactives......Page 2
Editorial page
......Page 3
Title page
......Page 4
LCC data
......Page 5
Table of contents......Page 6
Preface......Page 8
List of contributors......Page 10
1. Defining benefaction and malefaction......Page 12
1.2 Beneficiaries are neither agents nor primary targets of events......Page 15
1.3 The effect is beneficial......Page 16
1.4 Beneficiaries are usually animate......Page 17
2.1.1 Case......Page 18
2.1.3 Serial verb constructions......Page 19
2.2 Specific vs. general beneficiary markers......Page 21
2.2.1 Specific beneficiary markers......Page 22
2.2.2 General beneficiary markers......Page 23
3. Semantically determined variation in the coding of beneficiaries and maleficiaries......Page 24
3.1 Nature of benefaction......Page 25
3.2 Other features relevant to beneficiary coding......Page 26
4.1 Recipient and beneficiary......Page 29
4.2 Beneficiary and (external) possessor......Page 30
4.3 Beneficiary and maleficiary......Page 31
4.4 Beneficiary and experiencer......Page 32
4.5 Beneficiary and reason/(indirect) cause......Page 33
4.6 Beneficiary and goal......Page 34
4.7 Beneficiary and causee......Page 35
5. Contents of this volume......Page 37
References......Page 38
1. Introduction......Page 40
2.1 Applicative periphrases......Page 41
2.3 Benefactive applicative periphrases and other types of benefactive periphrases......Page 42
2.4 Benefactive and malefactive......Page 43
2.6 General characteristics of benefactive applicative periphrases......Page 44
2.7.2 Distinguishing benefactive applicative periphrases from adpositional constructions......Page 45
2.8 Benefactive applicative periphrases and other grammaticalized uses of ‘give’ verbs......Page 46
3.1 The serializing type......Page 48
3.3 The marked-Vlex type......Page 50
4.1.1 Benefactive applicative periphrases in language families or areas in which serialization has been recognized as a common phenomenon......Page 51
4.1.2 Others......Page 52
4.3 The distribution of the marked-Vlex type......Page 53
4.3.1 Asian attestations......Page 54
4.3.2 African attestations......Page 55
4.3.3 American attestations......Page 56
4.4 Correlations......Page 57
5.1.1 The reanalysis of ‘give’ as a benefactive operator......Page 58
5.1.2 Evidence of the reanalysis of ‘give’ as a valency operator......Page 59
5.3 The grammaticalization of ‘give’ as a benefactive adposition/case marker......Page 61
5.3.2 Evidence from constituent order: The case of Mandarin Chinese......Page 62
5.3.3 Evidence from constituent order: The case of Abui and Yongning Na......Page 63
5.4.1 Benefactive ‘give’ compounds and applicative affixes cognate with ‘give’ verbs in Asian languages
......Page 64
5.4.2 Benefactive ‘give’ compounds and applicative affixes cognate with ‘give’ verbs in the languages of the Pacific......Page 65
5.4.3 Benefactive ‘give’ compounds and applicative affixes cognate with ‘give’ verbs in African languages......Page 66
5.4.4 Benefactive ‘give’ compounds and applicative affixes cognate with ‘give’ verbs in Amerindian languages......Page 67
6.1 Autobenefactive ‘take’ periphrases......Page 68
6.2 Autobenefactive ‘eat’ periphrases......Page 70
7. Benefactive applicative periphrases with verbs other than ‘give’ in valency operator function......Page 71
8. Conclusion......Page 74
References......Page 75
1. Introduction......Page 82
1.1 Definition of benefactive constructions......Page 84
2.1 Two basic types......Page 86
2.2.1 Unrestricted agentive benefactives: ‘X does something for someone (X/Y)’......Page 87
2.2.2 Non-self-benefactives: ‘X does something for the benefit of Y’......Page 89
2.2.3 Self-benefactive constructions......Page 92
2.2.4 Shared-benefit construction: tseôm in Lai......Page 94
2.2.5 Discussion of agentive benefactive constructions......Page 95
2.3 Event benefactive construction......Page 96
2.3.1 The Lai piak-construction......Page 97
2.3.2 Japanese kureru-construction......Page 98
2.3.3 Vietnamese đu’o˙’c-construction......Page 100
2.3.4 English get-to-construction......Page 101
3. Discussion......Page 102
References......Page 104
An areal and cross-linguistic study of benefactive and malefactive constructions......Page 108
1. Introduction......Page 109
2.1 Indo-European languages......Page 113
2.2 Non-Indo-European languages of Europe......Page 115
3.1 Languages of India......Page 117
3.2 Languages of Southeast Asia......Page 120
3.3 Sino-Tibetan languages......Page 121
3.4 Korean and Japanese......Page 123
4. Conclusion......Page 125
References......Page 128
1. Introduction......Page 132
2. Benefactives as gestalt features of purpose clauses......Page 135
2.1 Principled polysemy patterns......Page 137
2.2 Motivating forces......Page 142
3. Benefactives as metonymic devices in the expression of purpose......Page 146
4. Negative purpose and the absence of benefactive marking......Page 150
5. Conclusion......Page 153
References......Page 154
1. Introduction......Page 158
2. Redirective applicatives......Page 161
2.1.1 Dative......Page 163
2.1.2 Benefactive......Page 164
2.1.2.1 Delegative......Page 165
2.1.2.2 Malefactive......Page 166
2.1.3 Source......Page 167
2.1.4 Possessive......Page 168
2.2.1 Languages with one redirective suffix......Page 170
2.2.2 Languages with more than one redirective suffix......Page 171
2.2.3 Summary: Benefactive as the core redirective concept......Page 175
3. Relational applicatives......Page 176
3.1 The semantics roles of relational applicatives......Page 178
3.1.1 Benefactive......Page 179
3.1.2 Malefactive......Page 181
3.1.2.1 Source and malefaction......Page 182
3.1.2.2 Adversative with natural phenomena......Page 183
3.2 The mapping of form and function......Page 184
4. Non-applicative expressions of benefactives......Page 185
4.1 Periphrastic expressions of benefactive......Page 186
4.2 Causatives used as benefactives......Page 187
5. Conclusion......Page 189
References......Page 190
1. Introduction......Page 196
2. Brief typological sketch......Page 197
3. Reception and benefaction......Page 199
4.1 Case marking or flagging......Page 200
4.3 Word order......Page 206
4.4 Other characteristics......Page 207
5. Coordination......Page 208
6. Conclusions......Page 210
References......Page 211
1. Introduction......Page 214
2. Some fundamentals of Mapudungun morphosyntax......Page 215
3. A first look at the applicatives of Mapudungun......Page 217
4.1 The applicative -ñma......Page 219
4.2 The applicative/causative -l(el)......Page 222
5. The ñma-l(el) opposition......Page 226
References......Page 229
1. Introduction......Page 230
2.1 An “intended reception” constraint......Page 232
2.2 Language-internal variation......Page 235
3. Benefactive uses of the German dative-accusative construction......Page 238
4. Benefactive uses of the French dative construction......Page 240
5.1 Standard Netherlandic Dutch: A heavily constrained construction......Page 242
5.2 Diachronic and regional variation......Page 245
6. Conclusion......Page 250
References......Page 251
2. The formal mechanisms of beneficiary coding in Finnish......Page 256
3.2 Plain beneficiary......Page 259
3.3 Deputative beneficiary......Page 261
3.4 Recipient-beneficiary......Page 264
4.1 Preliminaries......Page 267
4.2 The effects of verbal semantics......Page 268
4.3.2 Animacy of the agent......Page 271
4.3.3 Animacy of the beneficiary......Page 273
4.4 Volitionality and awareness......Page 274
5.1 Summary......Page 276
5.2 Rationale......Page 278
Acknowledgements......Page 280
References......Page 281
1. Introduction......Page 282
2. Cross-referencing affixes......Page 283
3.1 Full NPs......Page 285
4. Valency operators......Page 286
5.1 Morphosyntax......Page 288
5.2.1 Benefactive/malefactive......Page 292
5.2.2 Other meanings......Page 293
6. The postposition šeni......Page 296
7.1 Free variation......Page 298
7.2 Restrictions on the use of the applicative construction......Page 299
8. Conclusion......Page 301
References......Page 302
0. Introduction......Page 306
1.1 Morphological characteristics: Standard derivational processes......Page 307
1.2.1 Tone melody......Page 308
1.2.2 Productivity......Page 309
1.2.3 Valency......Page 310
2.1.1 Lack of the basic verb......Page 312
2.1.2 Double derivation......Page 313
2.2.2 Loss of some derivational characteristics......Page 314
3.1.1 Semantic roles encoded by the benefactives......Page 315
3.1.2 Semantic roles encoded by the malefactives......Page 316
3.2 Double benefactives......Page 317
3.3.2 Simple increase of valency......Page 319
3.3.3 Spatial uses......Page 320
3.3.4 Causal interrogative use......Page 321
3.3.5 Cultural uses......Page 323
4. Conclusion......Page 324
Bibliography......Page 325
0. Introduction......Page 328
1.1 Subject marking......Page 329
1.2 Object marking......Page 330
2. Semantics of BEN and MAL......Page 332
2.1 Different types of benefactive (and malefactive)......Page 333
2.2 Malefactive – locative – instrumental......Page 334
3. Core argument vs. non-core argument......Page 335
4. Choice of object suffixes......Page 336
5. Marking of overt NPs......Page 337
6. Benefactives with barә ‘say’......Page 338
6. Conclusions......Page 340
References......Page 341
1. Introduction......Page 342
2. The semantic structure of verbal utterances......Page 343
2.1 Transitive verbs......Page 344
2.3 Expansions......Page 345
2.4 A consideration of the saturator object interpretation......Page 347
2.5 Semanticosyntactic ambiguity......Page 348
2.6 Summary......Page 350
3.1 Possessives as copulae......Page 351
3.2 Possessives as reflexive benefactives......Page 352
3.2.1 Syntactic properties......Page 353
3.2.3 Morphological features: absence of agreement......Page 354
3.2.5 Semantic properties......Page 355
4. Concluding remarks: Benefactives, the applicative and the middle voice......Page 356
References......Page 359
1. Introduction......Page 362
2. Morphosyntax of the dative......Page 363
2.1 Clitic doubling of lexical NPs......Page 364
3. Semantics of the dative......Page 365
3.2 Beneficiary......Page 368
3.3 Recipient-beneficiary......Page 369
3.4.2 Substituted beneficiary......Page 370
3.5 Maleficiary......Page 371
3.7 Unintending causer......Page 372
3.9 Judicantis......Page 373
3.11 Experiencer......Page 374
3.13 Direction......Page 375
3.14.1 Predicative possessor......Page 376
3.14.2 External possessor......Page 377
3.15.2 Pluractional......Page 380
3.16 purpose and multiple datives......Page 381
4. Conclusion and questions for further research......Page 382
Appendix: Statistics......Page 383
References......Page 385
Corpus......Page 387
0. Introduction......Page 388
1. Types of benefactive......Page 389
2.1 Prepositions......Page 390
2.2 Serial verb constructions......Page 391
2.3 Hây ‘give’......Page 393
3.1 Syntactic features......Page 398
3.2 Semantic features......Page 400
4. Conclusion......Page 402
References......Page 403
1. Introduction......Page 404
2. Benefactive and benefaction: A general semantic typology......Page 406
3.1 Benefactives in Korean: Forms and meanings......Page 409
3.2 The (underspecified) meaning of the auxiliary verb cwu-......Page 411
3.3 The intransitivity restriction on the recipient-benefactive particle eykey......Page 413
3.4 Further restrictions on the recipient-benefactive particle eykey......Page 414
4.1 The benefactive construction defined: The goal’s possessive control over the theme......Page 416
4.2 The recipient-benefactive particle eykey defined: The goal’s engaging with the theme......Page 419
4.3 Restrictions on eykey-marked nominals in cwu-based transitive sentences......Page 420
4.4 The non-co-occurrence in intransitive sentences of cwu- and eykey......Page 423
4.5 Engager-benefactive and the constraint on theme-sharing......Page 425
Acknowledgements......Page 427
References......Page 428
1. Introduction......Page 430
2. Nature of adversity in the Japanese adversative passive......Page 432
3. Adversativity and transitivity increase......Page 434
4. Context-dependent adversative sense in the retained-object passive......Page 437
5. Context-dependent adversative sense and contextually understood affectee......Page 441
6. Conclusion......Page 444
References......Page 445
Index......Page 448
The series Typological Studies in Language......Page 452