Arabic and the Case against Linearity in Historical Linguistics (Oxford Studies in Diachronic and Historical Linguistics)

Cover
Title
Copyright Page
Contents
Series preface
Preface
List of figures and maps
Abbreviations and symbols
Six principles
1 Introduction
	1.1 Fallacies and metonymies, both unwanted and wanted
		1.1.1 Linearity
		1.1.2 The written over oral fallacy
		1.1.3 The part for whole metonymic fallacy
		1.1.4 Historical linguistics via non-linguistic criteria: The "cultural entities are linguistic entities fallacy''
		1.1.5 The script is language fallacy
	1.2 Non-linearity: An empirical comparative alternative
	1.3 Data sources and methodology
	1.4 Notes and conventions
	1.5 Overview of chapters
		Part I: Old Arabic
		Part II: Reconstruction
		Part III: Contact
		Part IV: Stability
		Part V: Taxonomy
		Putting it all together, Chapters 13 and 14
Part I Old Arabic
	2 Arabic and Semitic
		2.1 Common Semitic
			Segmental phonemes
			Verb
		2.2 Contrastive, but general: The ancestors of Arabic in trees
			2.2.1 The classic arguments
			2.2.2 Hetzron's alternative
		2.3 Bifurcated features in Arabic
			2.3.1 -t "007E-k = 1, 2 perfect verb suffix
			2.3.2 Short vowels in open syllables
			2.3.3 The nominal feminine suffix -at
			2.3.4 -ki "007E-iš 2FSG object
			2.3.5 Stammbaum and bifurcation
		2.4 Arabic: A composite West Semitic language
	3 Arabs, Arabic
		3.1 Arabs
		3.2 *k → c:25ex: Sibawaih the modernist
			3.2.1 The 2FSG object pronoun suffix in Sibawaih
			3.2.2 The history of the *k > c-.25ex/c split revisited: Sibawaih  and historical linguistics
		3.3 The early tradition
			3.3.1 The traditional linear approach
			3.3.2 Ibn al-Nadim: Classical Arabic as construct
	4 Three types of pre- and early Islamic sources: The pre-Sibawaihian setting
		4.1 Epigraphy
			4.1.1 Taymanitic
			4.1.2 Safaitic
			4.1.3 Limits of Safaitic for historical reconstruction; the burden of underspecification
				4.1.3.1 Underspecification I: Lack of formal indication of short vowels, gemination
				4.1.3.2 Underspecification II: Gaps in paradigms
			4.1.4 The contradictions of interpreting underspecification
				Orthography and reconstruction
			4.1.5 Linearity
				4.1.5.1 Link to CA
				4.1.5.2 Link to Proto-Semitic
			4.1.6 Summary, Safaitic
			4.1.7 Aramaic loanword š = Arabic s
		4.2 Papyri
			4.2.1 Basic overview
				4.2.1.1 Phonology
				4.2.1.2 Morphology and syntax
			4.2.2 A case study, raw data, and deviation from CA
			4.2.3 From juridical and cultural koine to Classical Arabic?
		4.3 Greek orthography, bilinguals, Greek renditions of Arabic  names
		4.4 Language change and socio-demographic realism
		4.5 An interpretive record
Part II Reconstruction
	5 Punctuation and language history: I/I + D, inheritance/innovation, and diffusion
		5.1 Basic concepts, basic exemplification: The I/I + D paradigm
		5.2 When things get complicated: Diffusion, not parallel independent development
			5.2.1 A basis for discussion: The intrusive -n
			5.2.2 The intrusive –n and Lass' principle
		5.3 Geographically non-contiguous features with a postulated common source
			5.3.1 Phonology
				5.3.1.1 *j = z-.25ex
				5.3.1.2 *k → c-.25ex/
				5.3.1.3 *aa → ie imala
				5.3.1.4 * → q
				5.3.1.5 *θ → s
				5.3.1.6 Others
			5.3.2 Morphology
				5.3.2.1 Invariable –ki `2FSG'
				5.3.2.2 –ı-.25ex `my', -nı-.25ex `me'
				5.3.2.3 -ha/hin/hum "007E-a/-in/um
				5.3.2.4 Imperfect verb: 1SG, 1PL, n-, n-…-u
				5.3.2.5 taltala morphemic /a/ vs. /i/
				5.3.2.6 b-: future or indicative imperfect prefix
				5.3.2.7 b-imperfect: Against parallel independent development
				5.3.2.8 Deflected agreement: Plural, singular or plural, singular only
				5.3.2.9 The linker –n: The incrementation corollary; independent but not parallel development
		5.4 Lexicon
			5.4.1 Reflexes in contemporary dialects
		5.5 Creole Arabic: Where Arabic stops
		5.6 Exogenous discontinuity
		5.7 Summary
	6 Four issues in Arabic historical linguistics
		6.1 Reconstruction and the Semiticist/Arabicist tradition
		6.2 Grammaticalization theory and historical linguistics
		6.3 Historical linguistics, reconstruction
		6.4 The speech community and the scope of change: How does it help?
		6.5 A non-deterministic speech community
			6.5.1 City as speech community
			6.5.2 Neighborhood as speech community
			6.5.3 The household as speech community
		6.6 Change doesn't need to happen
		6.7 Linguistic stages and contemporaneous speech  communities
			6.7.1 A diachronic trail across speech communities
			6.7.2 Motivation for change
		6.8 Non-Arabicists beware: The community of diglossia
Part III Contact
	7 Arabic in contact I: Aramaic
		7.1 The era of equilibrium: Directed dia-planar diffusion: Aramaic–Arabic contact
		7.2 A sample of potential of common Aramaic–Arabic  isoglosses
			7.2.1 Segmental phonology
				Uvular fricatives
				Affect on syllable structure
				Diphthongs
			7.2.2 Syllable structure
			7.2.3 Morphophonology
				7.2.3.1 Stress protection for short vowels in open syllables
				7.2.3.2 1SG stress
			7.2.4 The active participle
				7.2.4.1 The active participle as verbal predicate
				7.2.4.2 Person-marked participle
				7.2.4.3 Development of finite conjugation based on active participle in Central Asian Arabic
			7.2.5 Differential object marking (DOM)
			7.2.6 What didn't happen
		7.3 Arabs and Aramaeans: The socio-cultural basis of diffusion
		7.4 Dia-planar diffusion
	8 Morphosyntax as an adapative mechanism I: Idioms
		8.1 Idioms
		8.2 Idiomaticity
			8.2.1 Idioms and online processing
			8.2.2 Two alternative approaches
				8.2.2.1 A lexical approach
				8.2.2.2 A psycholinguistic alternative
			8.2.3 The case for the lexical basis of idiom interpretation
				8.2.3.1 The data, what are idioms?
				8.2.3.2 Idiomatic usage is the normal state of affairs for many lexemes
			8.2.4 Idioms contain normal words, normal morphemes, normal morphosyntax
				8.2.4.1 Idioms are normal words I: Compositionality
				8.2.4.2 Idioms are normal words II: Intra-clausal functions
		8.3 Idioms are normal words but they produce distributed  polysemy
			8.3.1 Pronominal reference
			8.3.2 Distributed polysemy and thematic roles
		8.4 How idioms are different from `normal' constructions: Characterizing idioms
		8.5 The discourse semantics of idiomaticity
			8.5.1 Prominent part
		8.6 The origins of LCA idiomaticity
		8.7 LCA, Egyptian, southern Tunisian: Three dialects, two idiom areas
		8.8 Are idioms universal?
	9 Morphosyntax as an adapative mechanism II: The expansive demonstrative
		9.1 Basic history and linguistic background
			9.1.1 The data, the corpora
		9.2 The role of contact
			9.2.1 Referring expressions
			9.2.2 Three types of categorical variables
		9.3 Descriptive introduction
			9.3.1 Definite article
				9.3.1.1 Lake Chad area Arabic
				9.3.1.2 Egyptian Arabic
			9.3.2 Demonstrative, LCA
				9.3.2.1 LCA, inherited features
				9.3.2.2 Innovative functions
			9.3.3 Egyptian Arabic
		9.4 Quantitative overview
			9.4.1 LCA
			9.4.2 Egyptian Arabic demonstratives
		9.5 The Lake Chad linguistic area
			9.5.1 Kanuri -d (with H tone)
			9.5.2 Glavda, Wandala
			9.5.3 Bagirmi
			9.5.4 Fali
		9.6 An overview: Realignment of what?
		9.7 Discussion
			9.7.1 Areality and contact
			9.7.2 The citation of parallel distributions of determiners in LCAL
			9.7.3 Diffusion, simplification, irregularity
		9.8 Corpora and the comparative method
		9.9 Morphosyntax as an adaptive mechanism
Part IV Stability
	10 Language stability I: Three case sketches
		10.1 Najdi Arabic
		10.2 Lake Chad area Arabic (LCA)
			10.2.1 How "unarabic'' is LCA? A discussion  of oso-9780192867513-bibliography-1-bibItem-385McWhorter 2007
			10.2.2 Continuity or innovation
		10.3 Damascus Arabic
		10.4 Summary
	11 Language stability II: Watching paint dry, or, metrics for measuring language stability
		11.1 A basic observation
		11.2 Stability in historical linguistics
			11.2.1 Looking under the hood of transmission
		11.3 Why? The basic issue
			11.3.1 Verbal predicates
			11.3.2 The other predicates
		11.4 A multivariate insight into language stability
			11.4.1 The data
			11.4.2 The parameters
			11.4.3 The statistical tests
			11.4.4 Conclusions on the basis of the regression results
		11.5 Comparative data
			11.5.1 Background: Model trees, linguistic and demographic
			11.5.2 Overview of main argument
				The linguistic issue
				Demographic split
				Realization of linguistic phenomenon in speech communities
				Comparative perspective: Things don't have to be as they are demonstrated to be
			11.5.3 Things can be different, I: Universal language typology, some languages are O, others N/O
			11.5.4 Things can be different II: For a reason
				11.5.4.1 Differential parsing model
				11.5.4.2 Modern Hebrew
				11.5.4.3 N/O, O split in Arabic
			11.5.5 Support from universal factors
		11.6 Stability
		11.7 Comparative contemporary corpora and historical linguistic interpretation: The limits of adaptation
			11.7.1 Overt transmission
				Re-arrangement of overt lexemes, lexemic adjacency, no new structure
				Exploitation of clause-internal co- and disjoint reference
			11.7.2 Inferential transmission
Part V Taxonomy
	12 Toward a typology for historical linguistics
		12.1 English
			12.1.1 Old English
			12.1.2 Middle and early modern English
		12.2 Icelandic
		12.3 Icelandic, Old English, Arabic
			12.3.1 English
			12.3.2 Gender maintenance in Arabic
			12.3.3 Final vowels in Arabic
		12.4 Short final vowels and gender
		12.5 Arabic as art: Toward a taxonomy of the history  of languages
			12.5.1 Arabic alinearity
			12.5.2 Arabic multi-linearity
	13 Summing up
		13.1 Four parameters for classifying changes
			13.1.1 Contiguous or non-contiguous
			13.1.2 Origin: Proto-Semitic, proto West Semitic, pre-Islamic, Islamic, via contact
			13.1.3 Age in Arabic
			13.1.4 Diffusion, extent
			13.1.5 Classification of features
		13.2 Parallel independent development
		13.3 The speech community
		13.4 Incrementation
	14 Why Arabic is special and special for historical linguistics
References
Subject index
Index of language families, languages, and dialects