Approaches to Hungarian, Volume 11: Papers from the 2007 New York Conference

Approaches to Hungarian......Page 2
Editorial page......Page 3
Title page......Page 4
LCC data......Page 5
Table of contents......Page 6
Foreword......Page 8
1. Introduction......Page 12
2. Acoustic cues of the contrast between f and v......Page 18
3.1 Method......Page 21
3.2 Results......Page 23
4.1. Method......Page 31
4.2. Results......Page 32
5. Summary and conclusions......Page 34
References......Page 36
1. Introduction......Page 40
1.1 Background: Structural differences between factive and non-factive embedding......Page 42
1.2 Cross-linguistic arguments for positing more complexity for non-factives......Page 44
1.3 Our proposal: cP and CP......Page 47
2.1 Evidence for cP in Hungarian sentential embedding constructions......Page 50
2.2 The referential character of CP......Page 56
2.3 Non-factive verbs with a CP complement......Page 58
2.4 Wh-extraction and the wh-expletive construction......Page 63
3. Summary and conclusion......Page 71
References......Page 72
1. Goal......Page 76
2. The problems......Page 77
3. Hungarian sentence structure......Page 81
4. Theories of quantifier-raising......Page 83
5. Negative quantifiers......Page 90
5.1 Universal versus existential se-pronouns......Page 91
5.2 The licensing of universal se-pronouns......Page 92
5.3 The licensing of existential se-pronouns......Page 96
6. The role of sem......Page 99
References......Page 102
1. Introduction......Page 106
2. Context structure components......Page 107
3.1 Assertion......Page 110
3.2 Assertion confirmation and assertion reversal......Page 111
3.3 Polar questions......Page 112
3.4 Polar question confirmation and reversal......Page 113
3.5 Assertions vs. polar questions......Page 114
4. Echo assertions and their features......Page 115
5. Hungarian polarity particles......Page 118
5.1 The data......Page 119
5.2 Account......Page 124
6. Conclusion......Page 128
References......Page 129
1. Introduction......Page 130
2. Recursion in prosody?......Page 131
3. Principles of the expression of recursion in prosody......Page 132
4. Inherent grouping......Page 135
5. Tonal patterns of grouping: Embedding and tonal continuity......Page 139
6. Perception experiment 1: The violation of the principles determining the underlying properties of tone in the expression of prosodic grouping and its perception......Page 143
7. Perception experiment 2: The role of the tonal manipulation of the accented syllable in the expression of prosodic grouping – goodness judgements......Page 146
8. Perception experiment 3: The role of the tonal manipulation of the accented syllable in the expression of prosodic grouping - same vs. different......Page 149
8. Summary......Page 151
References......Page 152
1. Introduction*......Page 154
2. Hungarian as strict CV......Page 155
3. The behavior of long vowels in a strict CV analysis......Page 158
4. Loose CV......Page 159
5. Vowel ~ zero alternation......Page 165
6. Vowel ~ zero alternation as syncope......Page 167
7. Position of the alternation......Page 170
8. Summary......Page 174
References......Page 175
1. Introduction*......Page 178
2.1 The decausativization approach......Page 180
2.2 The literature on the status of cause PPs......Page 183
2.3 The non-agentivity restriction and the distribution of cause PPs: where we are now......Page 187
3.1 High ablative causes......Page 189
3.2 Three types of ablative causes in Hungarian......Page 192
4.1 An overview......Page 196
4.2 The lower part of the Hungarian clause: É. Kiss (2008)......Page 197
4.3 The mapping proposal of Reinhart (2000, 2002)......Page 199
4.4 Question 1: The grammatical status of low ablative causes......Page 201
4.5 Question 2: A possible explanation for the non-agentivity restriction......Page 203
5. Summary......Page 204
References......Page 205
1. Introduction......Page 208
2. Distribution......Page 209
3. Analysis......Page 215
4. An alternative approach......Page 222
References......Page 224
1. Introduction......Page 228
2.1 Preverbs in Hungarian......Page 230
2.2 Two classes of adpositional preverbs......Page 231
3. A direct dependency account......Page 234
3.1 Adpositional preverbs and chain reduction......Page 235
3.2 Chain reduction by phase......Page 244
3.3 Options for focus: Chain reduction and phase extension......Page 248
4.1 Indirect dependency by extraposition......Page 252
4.2 Indirect dependency by apposition......Page 254
5. Conclusion......Page 257
References......Page 258
1. Outline of the argument......Page 262
2. What do these sentences mean?......Page 264
3. \"Our nominative DP\" is located inside the infinitival clause......Page 268
4.1 An argument from Binding Theory......Page 272
4.2 A potential confound in cross-linguistic counterparts......Page 274
4.3 Complemented pronouns......Page 276
5.1 Subject agreement with a finite verb......Page 278
5.2 Inflected infinitives......Page 279
5.3 One finite verb, multiple overt subjects......Page 281
6. De se pronouns and control......Page 283
7. Conclusion......Page 285
References......Page 286
Name index......Page 288
Subject index......Page 290