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دسته بندی: زبانشناسی ویرایش: نویسندگان: W. Smith. Peter, Mursell. Johannes, Hartmann. Katharina سری: Open Generative Syntax 6 ISBN (شابک) : 9783961102143 ناشر: Language Science Press سال نشر: 2020 تعداد صفحات: 482 زبان: English فرمت فایل : PDF (درصورت درخواست کاربر به PDF، EPUB یا AZW3 تبدیل می شود) حجم فایل: 2 مگابایت
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کلمات کلیدی مربوط به کتاب موافقم موافقم: توافق در برنامه مینیمالیست: نحو زاینده، نحو مینیمالیستی، زبان شناسی زاینده، توافق
در صورت تبدیل فایل کتاب Agree to Agree: Agreement in the Minimalist Programme به فرمت های PDF، EPUB، AZW3، MOBI و یا DJVU می توانید به پشتیبان اطلاع دهید تا فایل مورد نظر را تبدیل نمایند.
توجه داشته باشید کتاب موافقم موافقم: توافق در برنامه مینیمالیست نسخه زبان اصلی می باشد و کتاب ترجمه شده به فارسی نمی باشد. وبسایت اینترنشنال لایبرری ارائه دهنده کتاب های زبان اصلی می باشد و هیچ گونه کتاب ترجمه شده یا نوشته شده به فارسی را ارائه نمی دهد.
توافق یک پدیده فراگیر در سراسر زبان های طبیعی است. بسته به تعریفی که فرد از آنچه به منزله توافق است، یا تقریباً در هر زبان طبیعی که ما می شناسیم یافت می شود، یا حداقل در بسیاری از آنها یافت می شود. در هر صورت، به نظر میرسد که بخش اصلی سیستم است که دانش نحوی ما را زیربنا میدهد. از زمان معرفی عملیات Agree در چامسکی (2000)، پدیدههای توافق و مکانیسمی که زیربنای توافق است، توجه زیادی را در ادبیات مینیمالیست به خود جلب کرده و در مراحل مختلف درمانهای نظری متفاوتی دریافت کردهاند. از آن زمان، بسیاری از پدیدههای مختلف مربوط به وابستگیهای بین عناصر در نحو، از جمله حرکت یا نبودن، با استفاده از Agree توضیح داده شدهاند. بنابراین مکانیسم Agree ابزار قدرتمندی برای مدلسازی وابستگیهای بین عناصر نحوی بسیار فراتر از توافق با ویژگیهای φ ارائه میکند. مقالات گردآوری شده در این جلد این موضوعات را بیشتر مورد بررسی قرار داده و به بحث های جاری پیرامون توافق کمک می کند. نویسندگان گردآوری شده در این کتاب از کارشناسان شناخته شده بین المللی در زمینه توافق هستند.
Agreement is a pervasive phenomenon across natural languages. Depending on one’s definition of what constitutes agreement, it is either found in virtually every natural language that we know of, or it is at least found in a great many. Either way, it seems to be a core part of the system that underpins our syntactic knowledge. Since the introduction of the operation of Agree in Chomsky (2000), agreement phenomena and the mechanism that underlies agreement have garnered a lot of attention in the Minimalist literature and have received different theoretical treatments at different stages. Since then, many different phenomena involving dependencies between elements in syntax, including movement or not, have been accounted for using Agree. The mechanism of Agree thus provides a powerful tool to model dependencies between syntactic elements far beyond φ-feature agreement. The articles collected in this volume further explore these topics and contribute to the ongoing debates surrounding agreement. The authors gathered in this book are internationally reknown experts in the field of Agreement.
Contents Acknowledgments 1 Some remarks on agreement within the Minimalist Programme Peter W. Smith, Johannes Mursell & Katharina Hartmann 1 Introduction 2 Current theoretical debates surrounding agreement 2.1 Features used in agreement and the phenomena accounted for 2.2 Locality of agreement 2.3 The timing of agree 2.4 The direction of agree 2.5 How closely is agree linked to other items? 3 Overview of this book 3.1 Zeijlstra 3.2 Carstens 3.3 Smith 3.4 Kalin 3.5 Marušič and Nevins 3.6 Van der Wal 3.7 D\'Alessandro 3.8 Mursell 3.9 Börjesson and Müller 3.10 Diercks, van Koppen and Putnam 3.11 McFadden 3.12 Sundaresan 2 Labeling, selection, and feature checking Hedde Zeijlstra 1 Labeling: The question 1.1 Projection by selection 1.2 Six challenges 1.3 Alternative labeling algorithms 2 Proposal 2.1 Labeling, Merge, and feature percolation 2.2 Formal and categorial features 2.3 Feature checking and feature percolation 3 Application 3.1 Motivation 3.2 Labeling configurations 3.3 Prepositional adjuncts and selectional ordering 3.4 C-selection vs. s-selection 3.5 Multiple arguments 3.6 Abstract Case 3.7 Lexical (super)categories 3.8 DP-internal selection 3.9 Summing up 4 Other syntactic operations 4.1 Agree 4.2 Movement 4.3 Valuation 5 Conclusions 3 Concord and labeling Vicki Carstens 1 Introduction 1.1 The labeling issue 1.2 Where is concord? 1.3 Exclusions and limitations 1.4 Theoretical assumptions 1.5 Structure of the paper 2 A typological divide in genitive constructions 2.1 Concord and low possessors 2.2 Possessor agreement languages 2.3 Interim summary 3 Concord and labeling 3.1 Overview 3.2 Mechanics of concord and concordial labeling 3.3 Romance as covert Type 1? 4 Possessor agreement 5 Genitive pronouns, absence of freezing effects, and a typological gap 5.1 Pronouns bearing concord aren\'t frozen 5.2 A typological gap 5.3 Labelling by number concord where pronouns surface 5.4 Interim conclusions: pronouns versus lexical possessors 6 Complex cases 6.1 Introduction 6.2 Maasai 6.2.1 The facts and Brinson\'s 2014 analysis 6.2.2 Maasai vs. canonical Type 1 6.3 Hausa predicate fronting in DP 6.4 Labeling without concord on ‘of’ where N is [+gender] 6.5 Interim summary 7 Case concord 8 Conclusion 4 Object agreement and grammatical functions: A re-evaluation Peter W. Smith 1 Introduction 2 Grammatical functions and agreement 2.1 Subject agreement 2.2 Differential object agreement 3 Khanty and the properties of objects 3.1 Object agreement in Khanty 3.2 Other properties connected to object agreement 3.3 Agreement by grammatical function 3.4 Summary 4 Khanty agreement without GFs 4.1 DOM caused by spell-out domains 4.2 Spell-out domains and Khanty object agreement 4.2.1 What\'s accessible and inaccessible in the SOD 4.2.2 Monotransitive constructions 4.2.3 Ditransitive constructions and causees 4.3 Summary and discussion 5 A residue of object properties 6 Conclusions 5 Opacity in agreement Laura Kalin 1 Introduction 2 Agreement (in)variability in Senaya 3 Some preliminary notes on the syntax of Senaya 4 The three steps of agreement 5 Transparent agreement? 6 Conclusion 6 Distributed agreement in participial sandwiched configurations Franc Lanko Marušič & Andrew Nevins 1 Introduction 2 Sandwiched coordinated subjects 2.1 Sandwiched configurations 2.2 Theoretically available patterns 2.3 Experimental design 3 Comparisons between sandwiched configurations 3.1 Double CCA vs. postverbal HCA 3.2 Double CCA vs. double HCA 3.3 Double HCA vs. HCA+Def 3.4 Postverbal default vs. highest-default (DEF+DEF and DEF+CCA) 3.5 Postverbal LCA vs. double LCA 4 Consequences for theoretical models 7 The AWSOM correlation in comparative Bantu object marking Jenneke van der Wal 1 Introduction: Bantu object marking 2 Parameters of variation in number of object markers and symmetry 3 Interaction between multiple object markers and symmetry 4 Agree and head movement 5 Multiple object markers as additional low phi probes 6 Multiple object markers as additional higher φ probes 7 Two ways of being symmetric? 8 Conclusions and further research 8 Agreement across the board: Topic agreement in Ripano Roberta D\'Alessandro 1 Agreement in Ripano 1.1 Introduction 1.2 Agreement targets: Adverbs 1.3 Agreement targets: Prepositions 1.4 Agreement targets: Nouns 1.5 Agreement targets: Gerunds and infinitives 2 Argumental agreement 2.1 Agreement mismatch with transitive verbs 2.2 What agrees with what: Topic-oriented agreement 2.3 Some microvariational evidence 3 Agreement in upper-southern Italian varieties 3.1 A unified analysis 3.2 An extra φ-set 4 Topic-oriented agreement 4.1 Directionality of agreement 4.2 Agreement with preverbal and postverbal topic 4.3 Focus does not trigger agreement 4.4 Agreement mismatch 4.5 Agreement stacking 4.6 C-agreement in the archaic variety 5 Agreeing with topics 5.1 The complex probe 5.2 The topic is the external argument 5.3 The topic is the internal argument 5.4 Feature spreading/vowel harmony? 5.5 Adverbial agreement 5.6 Agreement within the PP 6 Conclusions 9 Long distance agreement and information structure Johannes Mursell 1 Introduction 2 LDA crosslinguistically 2.1 Nakh-Dagestanian languages 2.2 Algonquian languages 2.3 LDA in Uyghur 3 Previous analyses 3.1 Polinsky & Potsdam (2001) 3.2 Bjorkman & Zeijlstra (2019) 4 LDA conditioned by information structure 5 Conclusion 10 Long-distance agreement and locality: A reprojection approach Kristin Börjesson & Gereon Müller 1 Introduction 2 Existing analyses 2.1 Type (i): Non-local analyses 2.2 Type (ii): Small structure analyses 2.3 Type (iii): Cyclic Agree analyses 2.4 Type (iv): Feeding analyses 2.4.1 Movement feeds agreement 2.4.2 Problems with the feeding approach 2.4.2.1 The nature of covert topic movement 2.4.2.2 Complementizers 2.4.2.3 Topic interpretation within the embedded clause 2.4.2.4 Long-distance agreement across a CP boundary 2.5 Interim conclusion 3 A new analysis 3.1 Head movement as reprojection 3.2 Long-distance agreement by reprojection 3.2.1 Complex predicates 3.2.2 Derivations 3.2.3 Further consequences 4 Conclusion 11 Agree probes down: Anaphoric feature valuation and phase reference Michael Diercks, Marjo van Koppen & Michael Putnam 1 Introduction 2 Germanic CA: Agree probing down 3 Lubukusu CA: Agree probing up? 4 Anaphoric vs. non-anaphoric feature valuation 4.1 Setting the stage for the analysis 4.2 Deriving Lubukusu CA 4.2.1 Step 1: Reducing anaphoric relations to Agree 4.2.2 Step 2: The interpretative effects of CA in Lubukusu vs. CA in Germanic 4.2.3 Step 3: Deriving Lubukusu complementizer agreement 5 Toward an explanation of the PAPA 5.1 Movement of anaphors 5.2 On movement to the edge of the vP phase 5.2.1 Phases as a unit of semantic significance 5.2.2 Toward an ontology of vP structure 5.2.3 Anaphora and underspecification of vP events 5.2.4 Movement of anaphoric φ-features 6 Supporting evidence: CA in Kipsigis 7 Other analyses of Lubukusu CA 8 Conclusions and open questions 12 The morphosyntax of allocutive agreement in Tamil Thomas McFadden 1 Background 1.1 Introduction by example 1.2 On allocutive agreement 1.3 Some relevant properties of Tamil 2 The core data 2.1 The morphophonology of the suffix 2.2 Distribution of allocutive agreement 2.3 Affix ordering and doubling 3 Towards an account 3.1 Theoretical preliminaries 3.2 The proposal 13 Distinct featural classes of anaphor in an enriched person system Sandhya Sundaresan 1 Overview 2 Phi-based views of anaphora 2.1 Theoretical background and motivation 2.2 Anaphora and phi-matching 2.3 Morphological underspecification of anaphors 2.4 Anaphor Agreement Effect (AAE) 3 Complicating the picture 3.1 When phi-features aren\'t enough: Perspectival anaphora 3.1.1 Sentience, sub-command, subject-orientation 3.1.2 One language, two anaphors 3.2 person-asymmetries in anaphora 3.2.1 PCC effects 3.2.2 Anaphoric agreement 3.2.3 A gap in anaphoric antecedence: 1st/2nd vs. 3rd 4 Proposal: Unequal anaphors 4.1 What is an anaphor? 4.2 A more articulated feature system 4.3 null-person anaphors 4.3.1 Deriving phi-matching (null-person) 4.3.2 Deriving morphological underspecification (null-person) 4.3.3 Deriving the Anaphor Agreement Effect (null-person) 4.4 3rd-person anaphors 4.4.1 Deriving phi-matching (3rd-person) 4.4.2 Deriving morphological underspecification (3rd-person) 4.4.3 Deriving the Anaphor Agreement Effect (3rd-person) 4.5 The 1/2 vs. 3 antecedence gap 4.6 PCC effects and anaphoric agreement: refl anaphors 4.7 Perspectival anaphora 5 Empirical predictions 5.1 φ-matching and its absence 5.2 PCC effects 5.3 AAE and the timing of Agree 5.4 Sentience and animacy effects Index Name index